Anatolia’s Dark Age Ankara
Ankara Museum Antalya
Antakya
Antiphellos
Aphrodisias Araphisar
Arsameia
Asklepieion Aspendos
Assos
Aydın
Bayraklı
Belevi Mausoleum Bergama
Bintepe
Bodrum
Boğazköy
Byzantium
Carian Civilization Chimaira
Cyzicus
Çandarlı
Çavdarhisar
Demre
Didyma
Diocaesarea ElaiussaSebaste
Ephesus
Erythrai
Euromos
Fethiye
Foça
Gâvurkalesi
Gordion
GrecoAnatolian Civilization Halikarnassos
Hattian Culture
Hattusa
Hellenistic Age
Hellenistic Architecture Hellenistic Sculpture Herakleia under Latmos Hierapolis
Hittite Empire
Hittite Kingdom
Hittite Period
House of the Virgin Mary Ildırı lasos
Ilyas Bey Mosque
Ionia
Isa Bey Mosque
Istanbul Museum
Izmir
Kanesh
Karatay Han
Karatepe
Karia
Kariao Civilization
Kaş
Kaunos
Klaros
Knidos
Kolophon Kommagene
Korasion
Korykos
Kültepe
Kyme
Kyzikos
Labranda
Laodiceia ad Lycum
Larisa
Letoon
Limyra
Lycian Civilization
Lydian Civilization
Lykia
Magnesia ad Sipylum Magnesia on the Meander Manisa
Mersin
Metropolis
Midas Monument
Milas
Miletos
Mylasa
Myra
Myrina
Myus
Neandria
Nemrud Dağ
Neo Hittite Art
Niobe Rock
Notion
Nysa
Olba
Olympos Pamukkale
Patara
Pergamon Perge
Pessinus
Phaselis
Phokaia
Phrygia
Phrygian Art
Pınara
Pitane
Pompeipolis
Prehistoric Period
Priene
Roman Age Sagalassos
Sardis
Seleukia
Side
Silifke
Smyrna
St John Church Stratonikeia
Sultan Han
Sultanhisar
Tarsus
Telmessos
Teos
Termessos
Tralleis
Troy
Urartian Art
Uzuncaburç Xanthos
Yazilikaya
PART ONE ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD (7000 - 2000 B.C.)
The excavations carried out in the last thirty years have revealed that civilizations of very great importance flourished in Anatolia during the prehistoric age. Years ago, Şevket Aziz Kansu was the first to discover the most ancient remains of civilization on the peninsula. In recent years, in the Antalya region, Kılıç Kökten and Enver Bostancı have brought to light cave sites at Karain, Belbaşı and Beldibi, some of which date back to the Upper Palaolitic era.
The next most ancient settlement in Anatolia is Çatal Höyük, which was discovered and brought to light by James Mellaart. This very important Neolithic site, is now being excavated by a new British team under the direction of Ian Hodder.
The earliest evidences of agriculture were found in aceramic Hacılar, ca. 7040. B.C. according to Carbon 14 dating. Considerable quantities of food, such as wheat, barley and lentils, were found in the houses there. The bones of goats, sheep and horned cattle are visible among the remains of meals. The only household animals appear to have been dogs.
The Çatal Höyıik settlement, where twelve different habitation leveis have been distinguished, dating from approximately 6500 to 5650 B.C., stands out as an incomparable prehistoric centre of culture. It was here that man created one of his first great works of art.
The most important works are the mural paintings and painted relief sculptures which adorned the walls of the houses and domestic shrines. Some of these are now exhibited in the Ankara Museum. The shrines were located in the centre of a complex of four to five houses, usually consisting of one large room. Neither the houses nor the shrines had doors. Access was from the roof by means of wooden ladders. Both types of building have the same ground plan; they were built of mudbrick and had small windows set high up under the eaves. Every living room was provided with at least two additional raised floors. The main floor was reinforced at the edges with wood and coated with plaster and red paint. At one end was a bench which served as a divan, work-table and bed. Beneath this bench the dead were buried after the flesh had been removed from their bodies. These graves contained beautiful burial gifts, such as the magnificent obsidian mirror found in a woman's grave. In one of the shrines at Level VII, a mural painting, ca. 6200 by Carbon dating, was found which apparently represents the eruption of a volcano, supposedly the nearby Hasan Dağ. This is the earliest known landscape painting in history. Particularly favoured among the myriad themes of these polychrome mual paintigs were hunting scenes, dancers and acrobats and above all paintings of a religious and funerary character.
The rites of some fertility cult were probably held in these domestic shrines. They contained a strikingly large number of bulls’ heads or horns, mounted in rows along the walls or attached to the sides of the bench or to raised platforms. These no doubt represented the male deity; for the hus¬bandmen of Anatolia the bull was not only a symbol of fertility and strength but, more important still, the genitor of the horned cattle without which they could not cultivate their land. This explains why, after agriculture first began in Anatolia, the male god was depicted in the shape of a bull and seldom in human form. This practice, as we shall see, persisted until the Hittite era (see PI. 88a).
Only the great Mother Goddess appears in human form on the painted stucco reliefs of Çatal Höyük. However, she too is sometimes represented by her wild beasts. The beautiful, richly-coloured stucco relief of two leo¬pards which adorned the wall of one of the shrines in Level VI, ca. 6000 B. C., may be assumed to represent the mighty goddess. A statuette depicting the goddess seated on a throne supported by two felines indicates that leopards were in fact her attributive animals. The goddess is about to give birth to a child— atypical posture and frequent motif of the Hacılar clay figurines. Statuettes have also been found at Çatal Höyük depicting the goddess giving birth to a bull’s or ram’s head. There is another mural relief from Level VII at Çatal Höyük which most probably represents a pregnant goddess, since her navel is more emphasized than usual by two engraved concentric circles. Childbirth, the bull and the bull’s head are typical symbols of fertility. Characteristically, fertility symbols are the dominating feature of these places of worship in which the dead are buried. A consolation in death, they stand for rebirth or even life after death.
The clay figurines from Çatal Höyük and Hacılar are particularly expressive (Fig. 121). A favourite motif is the naked female body in various attitudes : reclining, kneeling, sleeping, and above all giving birth. The portrayal of male figures in isolation is rare : for instance, the god riding on a bull from Çatal Höyük— the oldest example of a motif which survived in Anatolia up to Roman times. On the other hand, male and female figures frequently appear together in hiérogamie scenes closely entwined in a loving embrace.
The earliest earthenware vessels in Anatolia were made in the first Çatal Höyük period, ca. 6500 B. C. Beginning with the simple monochrome articles of the early Neolithic period, they gradually evolved into the magni¬ficent pottery of the late Neolithic and early Chalcolithic era. In the upper two habitation levels at Hacılar, ca. 5400 to 5250 B. C. by radio carbon dating, superbly painted earthenware of unrivalled beauty has been brought to light. It may be claimed together with the finds from Çatal Höyük as the first great creative achievement»of man (Ankara Museum).
In Anatolia, both stone and metal tools and artifacts occur in the Chalco¬lithic period which begins at Level V in Hacılar, ca. 5500 by radio carbon dating. This is the golden age of Hacılar, whose art works have already been mentioned. The important finds of Can Hasan, excavated by David French, belong to the same period (Ankara Museum).
In the late Chalcolithic age in Anatolia a period of stagnation set in which lasted through the fifth and fourth millennia. Practically 2000 years of retarded development had serious consequences. Anatolia, which had played a dominant role in the 7th and 6th millennia, fell far behind Mesopo¬tamia until well into the 2nd millennium in cultural and political matters. While writing was invented in the Near East around 3000 B. C. and the peoples of that area attained a very high cultural level, the whole of Anatolia was sunk in a primitive, prehistoric village culture. Hamit Kojay discovered several major centres of this straggling late Chalcolithic civilization in central and eastern Anatolia. He unearthed some beautiful, highly polished mono¬chrome pottery, in elegant forms, which possesses a remarkable artistic value in spite of the primitive level of life in those small settlements where it was produced (Ankara Museum). Some other important works were found at Alijar, excavated by the Americans under the direction of von der Osten.
In the first phase of the Anatolian Bronze Age, from roughly 3000 to 2500 B. C, no remarkable developments from the preceding late Chalcolithic era are noticeable in the central and eastern towns of the peninsula, in fact, this period in Anatolia should also be considered late Chalcolithic.
The foundation of the first settlement at Troy is notable, for It shows a close affinity with the early Bronze Age culture of the Aegean and Cyclades and has scarcely anything in common with the old established culture of the Anatolian centres. House 102 uncovered at Troy has all the typical features of a megaron, as Blegen pointed out, and an obvious connection with the west (see Fig. 14).
The buildings and works of art excavated by Seton Lloyd at Beyce Sultan (Ankara Museum) deserve special attention.
THE PERIOD OF HAITIAN CULTURE (2500-2000 B.C.)
It is not until the middle of the third millennium that a change begins to take place in the Anatolian peninsula. This is the point at which the Bronze Age really starts. At this time,there lived in central Anatolia a race of people, the Hatti, whose name has come to us through Hittite sources. The Hatti gave their name to the Anatolian peninsula, which was known in Mesopotamia as the Land of the Hatti from the beginning of the Akkadian Dynasty, 2350 to 2150 B. C, until the time of the Assyrian kings in the 8th century. Even the Hittites called their kingdom the Land of the Hatti; thus, though their lan¬guage was called Nesian, they were known as the people of the Hatti Land. In the few existing fragments, the Hattie language is chiefly recognizable by its extensive use of prefixes. Hattie is different from all other Asian and Near Eastern languages. The influence of the Hattie civilization is also apparent in Hittite religious rites, state and court ceremonies and in their mythology. As the name implies, Hattusa, the Hittite capital, was originally a Hattie settlement. The pronounced Hattie elements in Hittite culture show clearly that this protohistoric people had reached an advanced intellectual level. Outside the Mesopotamian area, they are the earliest civilized nation of that age which we know by name and of whose language and religion we have some knowledge. The finest works of art of the period originated from the very heart of the old Hattie civilization. Thirty years ago, in the royal tombs at Alaca Höyük near Hattusa, Turkish archaeologists Remzi Oğuz Arık and Hamit Koşay discovered bronze, gold and silver objects of extraordinary beauty and value. These works of art even overshadowed Schliemann’s “Treasure of Priam”, and placed the Anatolian Bronze Age in the forefront of historical research. They include mysterious, unfamiliar objects, which cast a strange and powerful spell on the beholder (Pis. 84b, 85).
Troy II. The history of another Anatolian Bronze Age culture is reflected in the ruins of the second settlement of Troy (Fig. 14).
Troy II signifies a development of the previous settlement. The essential character of the new period is early Aegean and early Cycladic, as in Troy I. Blegen rightly emphasized the western character of this culture. Early Hella- dic “Urfirnis” pottery, already found in the upper levels of Troy I, was again imported and also manufactured in the local workshops. The connection with the cultural centres of Central Asia Minor and the east is clearly recog¬nizable. Matz is right in saying that the rulers of Troy were no mere peasant- kings. They knew how to exploit their hold over the international trade- routes in order to maintain their dominion and extend their territory. All the metals like gold, silver, copper and tin must have been imported from the central or eastern parts of Anatolia and from the east. Trojan artists learned various methods of metal-working, including the granulation process, a sophis¬ticated goldsmith’s technique, from oriental jewellers who had 500 years of such toreutic experience behind them. Their tubular earrings, for instance, are based on an ancient eastern model. The finest examples of the Trojan gold¬smith’s art belong to a hoard which was uncovered by Heinrich Schliemann. Besides bronze vessels and weapons, this long-lost treasure contained gob¬lets of solid gold and silver, gold jewellery and bars of silver. The bars must have been intended for barter purposes. One gold vessel belonging to the hoard, the so-called “saucière”, 7.5 cms. high and 600 grams in weight, is Aegean in style. The twin handles bear a close resemblance to the “depas”, a specifically Trojan vessel. The two beak-like spouts are identical in form to the elegant, beak-spouted Helladic bowls of the same period which are made of clay and coated with “Urfirnis”.
The potters of Troy II were already conversant with the two major technical innovations of the time, the kiln and the potter’s wheel. At the first cultural level at Troy, the vessels were made by hand and fired on an open fire. In both Troy I and II, the links with inner Asia Minor are plainly visible. The second walled city of Troy suffered a fearful catastrophe between 2200 and 2I00 B. C. The destruction of the stronghold may have been due to the incursions of the Indo-European tribes into Asia Minor which began just at this time. However, in the succeeding unimportant early Bronze Age building periods III - V, there are no traces of a new population. A cultural change does not appear to occur until the foundation of the new city of Troy VI, ca. 1800 B. C.
THE EARLY HITTITE PERIOD (2000-1750 B.C.)
The influx of the Indo-European tribes into Asia Minor towards the end of the 3rd millennium now halted the impressive growth of the Hattie civilization. There is an exact parallel for this period of stagnation in Troy, where the unimportant building phases III - V follow the golden age of the second settlement. The break in development which occurred in both regions of the peninsula at the same time-suggests that there is a causal relation between the cultural impoverishment and the disorder which probably resulted from the Indo-European invasions.
We have records of a number of Central Anatolian city-states in the first quarter of the 2nd millennium which were ruled by minor potentates : Kanesh (Nesa), Kussara, Hattusa, Zalpaand Puruskhanda. Like many other, so far undiscovered cities, they began life as principalities of the native peoples, i.e. Hattie minor states. Then, following the Indo-European immigrations, they fell gradually into the hands of the Hittite rulers.
At first, the most important of these towns was Kanesh, identical with present-day Kultepe, near Kayseri. The excavations directed by Tahsin and Nimet Ozgug, with Kemal Balkan in charge of philological research, have yielded excellent results. It is in Kultepe that we can discern the first concrete traces of the Hittites, whose presence there was established by Sedat Alp. He demonstrated convincingly that the suffixes ala, ili, ula, found in native proper names mentioned in the Kultepe writings, are Hittite trans¬formations of the Hattie suffixes al, il, and ul. Recently, moreover, continuing the work of H. G. Gliterbock and using new arguments, he has virtually proved that Kanesh and Nesa were one and the same. Since the Hittites called their tongue Nesian, Nesa (now Kultepe) was most probably their capital. A large building of the megaron type uncovered on the main mound at Kultepe dating ca. 2000 B.C. is also clear evidence proving the arrival of the Indo-European Hittites in this formerly Hattian city.
Writing was first employed in Anatolia in the days of the city-states. Thousands of Assyrian cuneiform tablets have been found in the Assyrian colony of Kultepe which throw light on many contemporary matters. Even early Hittite rulers like Anitta, king of Kussara, seem to have been already using Mesopotamian cuneiform in the 18th century B.C.
The unique art of the Hittites developed from a happy cross-fertilization of the cultures of the indigenous Hattie and immigrant Indo-European peoples. In the main, the conquerors respected the religion and customs of the natives and adapted themselves to local conditions. The Hittites’ adoption of Hattie place names and proper names shows clearly how the two ethnic elements fused together.
The advanced artistic level of this early period can best be judged by its monochrome pottery (PI. 86), which exemplifies the nativ€ develop¬ment of an old trend. The hallmark of the period is the longspouted jug. (PI. 86c). The abrupt inversion of form below the belly of the jug and the hard contours display an attractive tectonic structure. The burnished red-brown surface enhances the plain, severe design. The harmonious line
of the handle and the boldly elongated spout have a controlled energy and a compelling attraction. The pair of sharp-edged nipples at the shoulder of the jug and the sharply profiled tip of the spout have not only a decorative effect but also a specific function. The tip of the spout is a drip-catcher, and the nipples provide a grip for one hand while the other holds the handle. The burnished slip attempts to reproduce the effect of metal. The well-propor- tioned design is in fact modelled on metal vessels. This jug represents the apex of a long evolutionary process, and its classic form. After this, there is no further evolution - only imitation and, finally, decadence.
Other vessels of this period display similar sharp inversions of form, hard contours, and boldly elongated spouts. These features persist in the ceramic art of the succeeding Old Hittite Kingdom (PI. 86).
The advanced cultural level of this early historical period is also evident in other artistic activities. At the Kültepe and Karahöyük excavations, impressive buildings have been discovered which indicate the presence of palaces and temples at that time.
THE OLD HSTTİTE KINGDOM (¡750-1450 B.C.)
The dominant role in shaping the new Hattie - Indo-European culture in Anatolia was played by the Nesians, i.e. those who spoke the Nesian language, but were called the “People of Hatti” because they inhabited the land of the Hattians. The term “Hittites” is of modern use and derives from the Old Testament. From the outset, the new state was so strong that a few generations later Mursili I (ca. 1620- 1590 B.C.) was able to conquer first Aleppo and then Babylon, thus causing the downfall of the Hammurabi dynasty. The Hittites used the cuneiform script imported from Mesopotamia in the 18th and 17th centuries. They also had a picture-writing which can be seen on their seals and public monuments and is related to the hieroglyphs found in Crete.
The art of the Old Hittite Kingdom is closely linked with that of the earlier age. Some of the artistic pottery from Alaca imitates the design and the tall arched spouts of the burnished monochrome vessels of the preceding period. However, we can trace the beginnings of a new aesthetic concept in the slender proportions of many vessels from Alaca, Alişar and Acem Höyük (Pis. 86 a-d). The high standard of living in the Old Kingdom is reflected in the numerous handsome earthenware hip-baths discovered at Alişar and elsewhere. The somewhat abstract lions and bulls of the previous age take on a more naturalistic form in the art of the Old Hittite Kingdom.
Old Kingdom architecture continued in the native Anatolian tradition; nevertheless there are unmistakably original features, both technical and formal. One example is the appearance of the Cyclopean wall system, which was hitherto unknown in Anatolia. On the citadel of Hattusa, the seat of the Hittite rulers, there must have been palaces similar to those recently discovered in the cities of the early historical age. The latest German excava¬tions at Boğazköy have revealed that the stone-vaulted subterranean passages which were used for defensive sorties in the Empire period were also known in the Old Hittite Kingdom.
THE HITTITE EMPIRE (1450-1200 B.C.)
In the 15th and 14th centuries, the Hittites established one of the three most important states in the Near East. In the 13th century, they shared with the Egyptians the hegemony of the eastern world and created a civiliza¬tion of great originality and distinction.
Hittite art reached its peak during the Empire. Monumental sculpture and architecture began to flourish at this time. The representational art fostered by the building of the huge temples and palaces of the Hittites held an eminent position in the eastern world. The Hittites created the best military architecture of the Near East. Their system of offensive defence- works, handed down from the Old Kingdom, grew into a unique type of fortification under the Empire. The impressive Cyclopean walls at Hattusa and Alaca display a high level of craftsmanship. From the point of view of their strategic contouring in a very difficult terrain and in the layout of their offen¬sive defence-works, the walls of ancient Hattusa are an unrivalled masterpiece (Fig. 139).
At the German excavations in Hattusa (Boğazköy), five temples have been uncovered whose size and architectural design place them among the finest monuments of their time (2nd millennium). The largest of them, the temple of the local weather god, is reasonably well-preserved and still gives a vivid impression of its time. The whole complex, storerooms included, is 160 m. long and 135 m. wide. The temple itself is a rectangular building with an inner court. On the north-eastern side there is an additional wing containing nine rooms; here the actual places of worship were located. In the largest of these stood the statue of the weather god. This, unfortunately, is no longer in existence (for new discoveries see the chapter on Boğazköy).
The major characteristic of Hittite architecture is its completely asym¬metrical ground plan. The Hittites employed square piers as supports and had neither columns nor capitals. Unique and typical are the large win¬dows with low parapets which were set not into the walls of the courtyard but into the outer walls of the temple. The statue of the god stood in a pro¬jecting section of the room so that it was illuminated from three sides. This desire for light suggests that Hittite religious worship once took place in the open air, as was still the custom in the Yazilikaya sanctuary (Fig. 144).
It is unfortunate that not a single cult statue has survived; in fact, we have no free-standing sculpture at all from the Empire period. On the other hand, a great number of impressive-looking reliefs have been preserved. The outstanding reliefs of the period are carved on the face of a rock forma¬tion at Yazilikaya, the holy place 2 km. to the north-east of Hattusa. The large open gallery with its reliefs of male and female deities formed the shrine of the adjacent temple, whose foundations have since been uncovered. Whereas in Hattusa the religious rites were carried out in closed rooms in front of the cult statue, in Yazilikaya they were performed in the open air before the reliefs of deities. These reliefs present a collective picture of all the Hittite gods.
In the side-chamber, king-worship took place, and the statue of King Tudhaliya IV once stood at the north-east end. The pedestal of this statue and a cartouche relief on the wall have been preserved. The remaining reliefs in the chamber represent King Tudhaliya being embraced by the god Şarruma, and also the sword god and a procession of twelve other gods. Like the mountain god represented on the king’s cartouche, all these reliefs face north, i.e. towards the statue. Anyone entering the now inaccessible south en¬trance to the side-chamber would be faced with the dominating presence of the king’s statue at the north end.
The lions of the Lion Gate at Boğazköy and the sphinxes of Alaca can still be seen in situ. The museums of Istanbul and Berlin each preserve one of the sphinxes of the Boğazköy Sphinx Gate.
The relief sculpture of a god from the door jamb of the King’s Gate at Boğazköy is now in the Ankara Museum, together with the orthostat reliefs from the walls of Alaca. The iconographie details of the Hittite reliefs indicate that the sculptors worked to a fixed plan and rules. Not only the individu?' details of the headdress, hairstyle and dress, but also the modelling of the limbs invariably followed a set scheme. The facial features, eyes, eyebrows, mouth and ears were always drawn in the same way. Characteristically, the Hittite male figure is invariably depicted wearing an earring, sometimes a beard, but never a moustache. The position of the arms is always the same whether or not the figure is holding anything. In male figures, the arm nearest the observer is always sharply flexed and pressed against the body, while the other arm is slightly flexed and a little outstretched. In female figures, both arms are always flexed and outstretched (Fig. 51).
Ceramic art of the Empire period is insignificant compared with sculpture, although there is some evidence that one type of polychrome technique was perfected. From Bitik, there is a very beautiful vessel with figures in relief whose facial features have much in common with the Alaca Höyük relief sculptures. This distinguished example of court pottery is dated around 1400 B.C.
The second German excavations at Boğazköy, which began under Kurt Bittel in 1931, were successfully continued under his direction after the Second World War. Each dig yielded new finds of first-rate artistic quality and importance; for instance, two splendid clay bulls were unearthed during excavations on the citadel called Büyük Kale (PI. 84 a).
During the Hittite period, there were also other states in Anatolia. In the east and south-east lay the Mitanni Kingdom, the most powerful of the Hurrian lands, which was of major importance around the middle of the 2nd millennium (ca. 1650 - 1450). Hurrian is one of the strangest languages of the east. It has an agglutinative character and is unlike Semitic, Indo-European and the prefixing Hattie language. In the spheres of religion and literature, the Hurrian civilization exercised a strong influence on the Hittites. During the Empire, the Hittites adopted the Hurrian conception of the deities. The rock reliefs of the Yazilikaya sanctuary embody this concept in plastic form. The Gilgamesh epic, the Kumarbi myth and Kikkuli’s treatise on horse-training are derived from Hurrian originals. The Hurrian culture reveals Indo-Aryan and Luwian influences. All the rulers of Mitanni had Indian names. Thus the Hurrians were ruled by an aristocracy of Indo-Aryan origin. The members of this apparently very sparse line of nobles were charioteers and mounted knights. They were called Marianni and it was certainly through them that horse-breeding and the use of war-chariots became widespread in the Near East. According to the research carried out so far, the only evidence of a Hur- rian art is in their stone-engraving and pottery. The most typical motifs on their seals are hybrid animals, the pillars of heaven and the sacred tree. On some seals Cretan and Mycenaean influences can be detected in the portrayal of chariots and the rendering of the flying gallop. Most typically Hurrian are the large, cup-shaped vessels with their decorative patterns on a black back¬ground. This type of pottery appears during the reign of Shaushattar in the middle of the 15th century and continues in the more refined examples at Alalakh. Other works which can be considered as products of Mitannian art are the mural paintings of Nuzi that include frontal views of cows’ heads and heads of women with cows’ ears.
In the south of the Anatolian peninsula lived the Luwians, an Indo-Euro¬pean race whose existence can only be inferred from their linguistic heritage. The same is true of the Palaians, likewise Indo-Europeans, who lived in the region of Paphlagonia. The countries of Arzawa and Kizzuwadna were situated in the south of Anatolia. Ahhiyawa, which is mentioned in the Hittite texts, was probably located somewhere in the south-west of the peninsula.
The Middle Bronze Age foundation of Troy VI, which followed the Early Bronze Age Trojan civilization, occurred at about the same time as the founda¬tion of the first city-states by the immigrant Indo-European tribes. It is perhaps no mere accident that the Early Bronze Age ends and the Middle Bronze Age begins in Hellas at exactly the same time. The rise of these new and contem¬poraneous civilizations in three neighbouring areas of the ancient world must be connected with the great Indo-European immigrations which began towards the end of the 3rd millennium and probably continued until the beginning of the 2nd millennium. Blegen has already demonstrated the original relationship between the people of Troy VI and the Middle Helladic states of the Greek mainland. A similar but much less obvious affinity originating from the same source can be discerned between the Hittite and Troy VI civilizations. Al¬though the Hittites had always been under a strong oriental influence, their civilization has certain basic features in common with Mycenae and Troy VI, especially in architecture and town planning. However, there seems to have been very little direct contact between Troy and Hattusa. Not even the minutest fragment of Hittite pottery has been found at Troy. The similar traits which can be observed in the architecture and pottery of the two cultures do not imply any direct contact. They are more probably due to local Anatolian influences which reached Troy by various circuitous routes. Overland communications were unsafe and Troy was linked to the west by tradition and by her geopolitical position. Matt pottery, of Helladic and Cycladic origin, and Mycenaean ware figure predominantly among the imported ceramics. Moreover, Cretan works of art and Cypriot ceramic fragments have been found, which are further indications that Troy VI had established relations with the outside world via maritime routes. The local pottery of Troy VI is monochrome, modest, and has little attraction. The best products are the Minyan ware found in large quantities in the older habitation levels of the sixth settlement. Like their contemporaries who lived on the Greek mainland, the Trojans had brought this type of pottery with them from their common homeland.
The topmost habitation level of the sixth layer (ca. 1325- 1275 B.C.) and the level Vila (ca. 1275 - 1240) are Homer’s Troy. It was the city’s impor¬tant strategic position and the rising economic ambitions of the Mycenaeans that led to the Trojan war. Possibly the Iliad is the story of the unsuccessful attempts of the Achaeans to take Troy VI. As we first read in the Odyssey, it was only through the stratagem of the Wooden Horse that the impregnable fortress was eventually conquered. It is this mythical episode of the great epic that proves the historical truth of the Trojan War. A poet’s imagination is of course highly inventive, but how would Homer or his predecessors have managed to invent the Trojan Horse legend if the Achaeans had not actually erected the wooden statue of a horse in Troy as an expression of thanks to Poseidon the Earth-Shaker for destroying by earthquake the mighty citadel they could not conquer? Today, thanks to Blegen’s keen eye, we know that Troy first fell victim to a severe earthquake in 1275 and afterwards to the Achaean attack in 1240. However, no one could maintain that the epic poets were aware of this act of nature. There are no references to it in the poetry of the time. Thus, the idea of the Wooden Horse is the historical core of the legend. Success was granted the Achaeans only after the terrible disaster had befallen the city. The Trojans scarcely had time to repair the city walls, reno¬vate a few of the old buildings and erect some new houses before the crafty and ruthless Achaeans came and set fire to the town.
The power of the Trojans, which had been a bulwark of Anatolia against the west and the Balkans throughout the 2nd millennium, ended unhappily with this blow they suffered at the hands of their aggressive cousins. Soon after, the city was destroyed, about 1180 B.C., the Thracians, who had long had designs on the fertile regions of north-west Asia Minor, stormed the Hittite Empire in huge waves.
ANATOLIA’S DARK AGE (M80 - 750 B. C.)
The presence of the Thracians in Troy VII b 2 is proved by thd large quantities of “Buckelkeramik” found in that level. This is a specific type of pottery of Eastern European peoples. In Hattusa, written sources cease around 1180. This date also accords well with the assumption that Hattusa fell victim to attacks by the Thracians. The annals of the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I, who reigned between I M2 and 1074, form an important document concerning the immigrations of the East European tribes into Asia Minor. From them we learn that he waged war against the Mushki, who first appeared fifty years before his reign began on the north frontier of Assyria in the region of the Upper Tigris. Thus these Mushki (possibly the Moesians of south-east Europe) and many other Balkan tribes had stood since about I 170 before the Assyrian
its own individual features. Its best and most characteristic examples were found in Carchemish and Zincirli (Pis. 88 b, 89 b, 91). The former are now in the Ankara Museum, and the latter in Istanbul and Berlin.
The Late Neo-Hittite style (750 - 700 B. C.) embraces three special artistic currents: the Assyrian Hittite style, the Aramaean Hittite style and the Phoeni¬cian Hittite style. To the first trend belong the Araras reliefs from Carchemish (Fig. 133), to the second the sculptures from Zincirli, (Pis. 17, 18) Sakçegözü (Fig. 129), and Maraş and to the third the majority of the Karatepe sculptures (PI. 105). There were active schools of sculpture which produced outstanding artistic work in the second half of the 8th century, particularly in Zincirli and Sakçegözü. The works of art they produced exercised a significant influence on Greek and Etruscan art. The lions and griffins of Greek sculpture are faithful imitations of those produced in these centres. Greek art was also influenced in many other ways by Late Neo-Hittite art. Two decisive factors were the key position of the individual principalities as the gateway to the Near East, and the favourable historical circumstances of the 8th century. Thus the com¬mon culture of the Hittites, Luwians and Aramaeans, created throughout years of peaceful co-existence, enabled them to become worthy representa¬tives of the eastern world.
URARTIAN ART (900-600 B. C.)
In the extreme east of Anatolia on the plateau surrounding Lake Van lived the Urartians, descendants of the Hurrians. They built an empire and a civilization of strongly Assyrian stamp. Their works of art enjoyed great favour in their day. In particular, bronze cauldrons embellished with human heads or animal foreparts were exported to Phyrgia, Greece and Etruria. Some excellent examples of Urartian art now in the Ankara Museum are the bronze cauldrons adorned with human and bulls’ heads and dating from the end of the 8th century B. C.
Our knowledge of the Urartian civilization is steadily increasing. The Soviet scholars Piotrovski and Oganesyan have discovered Urartian building levels containing outstanding works of art at Karmir Blur and Ann Berd. Now there is a series of excavations at several Urartian sites under the direction of the Turkish philologists, historians and archaeologists Balkan, Bilgiç, Erzen, Özgüç and Temizer who have unearthed rich new finds of exceptional quality.
PHRYGIAN ART (750-300 B.C.)
In Central Asia Minor, the Phrygians created a great civilization which belonged essentially to the Greek sphere but was also strongly influenced by the Neo-Hittites and Urartians.
The Phrygians were originally a Thracian tribe and probably took part in the destruction of Troy VII a and Hattusa. Their first archaeological traces, however, appear in the middle of the 8th century. Midas founded the Phrygian
Empire, but it was short-iived (ca. 725 - 675 B. C.) and was devastated by the Cimmerian invasion in the first quarter of the 7th century.
The most important finds were made in Gordion, the Phrygian capital, and in other centres of Phrygian civilization such as Al işar, Boğazköy, Alaca, Pazarlı and Ankara. The works of art found during the German excavations at Gordion, which were carried out at the beginning of this century, are now in the Istanbul Museum. The finds from the American excavations, which have been carried out under Rodney S. Young for the last 15 years, are in the Ankara Museum. The works of art recently uncovered in the tumuli of Ankara are now in the Museum of the Middle East Technical University.
The Phrygian language was probably related to Thracian dialects. Their writing was very similar to the Greek, and was already in use before the end of the 8th century. The outstanding works of art of the Phrygians had a noticeable influence on Cycladic vase painting. Phrygian metal artifacts and textile products were very popular in the Hellenic world.
In the first half of the 6th century, after the Cimmerian invasion, the Phrygians experienced a second golden age which blossomed in their new centres between Eskişehir and Afyon. We find there some interesting monumental rock carvings in a good state of preservation (Pis. 81, 82; Figs. 109-115).
Probably the most imposing of these monuments is the so-called Tomb of Midas at Yazilikaya near Eskişehir (Fig. 11 I). This relief is 17 m. high and carved in the rock face. It represents the façade of a building and provides an archi-tectural frame for the niche in which the goddess Cybele was displayed at festivals. The outstanding feature of Phrygian rock façades which distin¬guishes them from all other contemporary rock monuments of Asia Minor is their geometrical design. The terracotta friezes of the same period and even the much older works of art made of wood, mosaic and ceramics, use the same vocabulary of ornamental design. This use of ornamentation expresses an individual national character and creates a delightful contrast to the mighty soaring proportions of these huge monuments. Phrygian rock monuments appear to strain after grandeur, and they tend to reproduce a form of miniature art in gigantic proportions; nevertheless, the transformation is successful. The Yazilikaya cult monument bears two inscriptions, of which the upper one contains the name Midas. Unfortunately, the name does not help us to give an exact date to the monument, since, according to Herodotus, there were several Phrygian kings called Midas or Gordios. How¬ever, the other Phrygian rock façades in the area can be dated somewhere between 575 and 550 B. C. by means of those reliefs which show a strong Greek influence. Thus the Yazilikaya monument, which conforms to this type of rock façade, cannot date back further than the beginning of the 6th century B, C. (see also the text to Fig. I I 5 a, b).
THE LYDIAN, LYCIAN AND CARIAN CIVILIZATIONS
The same period saw the rise of the Lycian, Lydian and Carian civilizations in West Central Anatolia. These peoples can be regarded as indigenous. Like Hittite, the Lycian and Lydian languages belong to the Indo-European-
Anatolian group. However, Lycian and Lydian contain many pre-lndo- European elements. These peoples can be regarded, at least partly, as the representatives of the old pre-Hittite civilization in Anatolia. Their descen¬dants survived probably until the first half of the first millennium, but no archaeological traces have as yet been found.
Xanthos, the Lycian capital, is one of the most beautiful ruins of Ana¬tolia (PI. 78 b). The enchanting, well-preserved Lycian monuments of be¬tween 600 and 200 B. C. together with the equally well-preserved Roman ruins, compel our admiration (PI. 5). Recent French excavations under Pierre Demargne have unearthed some impressive works of art, which are now in the Istanbul Museum.
Extremely important discoveries have also been made at Sardis, capital of the one-time Lydian Kingdom much admired by the Greeks. G. M. A. Hanfmann has carried out systematic excavations there (Fig. 43) since 1958.
Carian has not yet been deciphered, although the script is similar to Lydian, Phrygian, Lycian and Greek. Thus it is not possible to determine which language group it belongs to. Herodotus writes that the Carians were called Lelegians according to Cretan legend, and lived on the islands in Minoan times. However, the Carians themselves disagreed with this view and maintained that they were natives of Anatolia and related to the Lydians and Mysians. Earlier Italian excavations and those now being carried out under Doro Levi in the region occupied by the Carians have brought notable results. The discoveries of the new Italian excavations at lasos can be seen in the Izmir Museum. The earlier finds of the Swedish digs at Labranda are also in the Izmir Museum. The civilizations of Eastern and Central Anatolia we have so far briefly dealt with were affected by the influence of the Greeks living in Western Anatolia from at least 650 B.C. on. After 600 B.C. the Greek influence is even more evident. Nevertheless, these civilizations retained individual characteristics up to the time of Alexander the Great. It is after 300 B. C. that the Greek style in art becomes completely dominant. From the point of view of subject matter and historical content, of course, the works of art produced in this period derive from t;ie old established Anatolian tradi¬tion. This tradition survives as a successful blend through the Roman period up to the spread of Christianity.
THE AGE OF THE GRECO - ANATOLIAN CIVILIZATION
Recent excavations in Izmir (Smyrna) and Miletos have clearly indicated that the Aeolian and Ionian cities on the west coast of Anatolia were founded around 1000 B.C. With the help of the new material,we are now in a position to assess the true importance of the part played by East Greek art within the Hellenic world. At first, these early Greek settlements in Anatolia were poor and primitive. During the first few centuries from 1050 to 750 B.C. the immigrant Greeks subsisted mainly on the produce of their land. They lived in crudely constructed, one-room houses (Pl.4lb). The Greek motherland was the main influence in their art. Their protogeometric and geometric style pottery was produced locally. They copied the models of the Greek mainland in all essentials of technique and style, but new impetus was given by the Ionian cities. Probably as early as the 9th century the Panionion, or Ionian League, was founded - a form of Ionian expansion against the Aeolian cities. The capital of the League lay on the coast at the foot of the Mycale mountains. By means of this political confederation the Ionian cities were enabled to spread as far as north-west Asia Minor. The foundation of the Milesian colony of Cyzicus goes back to the beginning of the 7th century, as the potsherds found there prove.
The East Greek world made its first cultural gains during this early period. Although the motherland had a long lead in economic and artistic matters, spiritual leadership now lay in the hands of the Greeks of Asia Minor. The founding of their oldest cities and the creation of the Homeric Epic won for the lonians an ascendency in social development and intellectual life which they continued to enjoy in the following period.
When the Milesians began to colonize the Mediterranean and Black Sea coasts about the middle of the 7th century, the East Greek world reached its zenith. The wealth accruing from trade and industrial production was the basis for the prosperity which grew during the 6th century in Anatolia.
The originality of East Greek art and culture owes a considerable debt to its long-standing contact with the indigenous Lydian, Lycian and Carian cultures in Anatolia, not forgetting the Phrygians. For although they originated from Thrace, the Phrygians became so thoroughly assimilated into the native Anatolian civilizations that they were already a true people of Asia Minor by the beginning of the 6th century.
The Ionian civilization was a product of the co-existence of Greek people with the natives of Asia Minor. With the help of many oriental influences, it produced in the 6th century B. C. not only a magnificent body of poetry and a unique art, but also laid the foundations of the exact sciences thus making possible the first achievements of the western mind. The first half of the 6th century saw the beginnings of Ionian architecture and sculpture (Pis. 19,42). The end of the previous century had already seen the development of the Aeolic style of architecture, under the influence of oriental models. The best examples were found in Neandria (Fig. 17) and ancient Smyrna (Fig. 41). In each town were found a temple and several capitals, together with other important architectural fragments of the Aeolic order.
The Ionic capital is a Greek modification of the Aeolic. It was first made in the second quarter of the 6th century in one of the Ionian centres of the Greek world. The superb Ionic buildings are among the most outstanding achievements of mankind. The temple at Ephesus, 55 X ! 15 m. in size, is a huge edifice. Built shortly before the middle of the 6th century, it was the first monumental sanctuary in the world to be built entirely of marble. With its 127 impressive columns, it was regarded as one of the wonders of the world. Unfortunately, only fragments remain of these wonderful 6th-century Ionian buildings, and they are now preserved in the museums of London, Berlin, Istanbul, Izmir and Ephesus.
The Greek motherland came under the spell of the exquisite'works of Ionian artists as well as of Aeolian and Ionian poets. The new elements in Attic sculpture of the 2nd half of the 6th century — the chiton, the himation, the folds of drapery and the radiant expression on the faces— are specific characteristics of Ionian art.
The Ionian schools of sculpture were centred mainly in Miletos and Samos. The Samian artists worked much more in the style of the Cycladic and Attic craftsmen at first, but, towards the middle of the 6th century, sculpture was produced on the island which reflected the Ionian taste of Asia Minor. One of the masterpieces of this new tendency is a splendid head in the Istan¬bul Museum, whose body was recognized a few years ago in the Samos Museum (PI. 19). The finest Ionic sculpture is now in the museums of Berlin, London, Istanbul and Izmir.
In architecture, the Ionian contribution to Greek art was much greater and even more significant than in sculpture. The elegance, charm and origina¬lity of Greek architecture are largely due to the creativity and fine sensi¬tivity of the Ionian artists. The slim proportions of the Ionic order lightened the solidity inherited from the Doric style and opened up rich new horizons to Greek architecture. During the classical period, when the already sacrosanct, ponderous Doric temple was in urgent need of fresh inspiration, Ionian elements sprang to its aid. In this way, the monuments on the acropolis in Athens acquired their cheerful gaiety and liveliness.
East Greek vase painting, on the contrary, went through a period of stagnation. While the Athenian craftsmen of 600 B. C. were painting richly figured vases in the new black figure style, East Greek potters had not progressed beyond the conventional style derived from the Orientalising period. In the necropolis of (^andarli (Pitane), vases have been unearthed which belong to the second quarter of the 6th century, but which were painted in the reserved technique of the 7th century.
The early Greek period in Anatolia, which we have just briefly outlined, has been researched during the last few decades. Carl Weickert, Karl Schefold, Pierre Demargne, Doro Levi, John M. Cook, Pierre Devambez, Gerhard Kleiner and H. Metzger have carried out excavations in Western Anatolia and made significant contributions to the better understanding of this period. The present author has also participated in the field research of this period with his excavations of early Greek cities in Anatolia. Several excavations are still continuing.
Between 546 B. C., when Cyrus conquered the Lydian kingdom, and 334 B. C., when Alexander crossed the Dardanelles, Anatolia was under Persian rule. A number of Persian and Greco-Persian works belonging to this period were found in Pontus, Cappadocia, Lycia, and the Propontis.
Several sculptures in the Greco-Persian style have come to light in the region of Lake Manyas in north-western Asia Minor, especially in Ergili, re¬cently identified as Daskyleion,former seat of the Propontic Satrapy. After the well-known women riders of Ergili, the finest sculptures are the three stelae which were recently found in the same region (PI. 20). In the 5th century, under Persian rule, Anatolia was unable to play any significant role. Never¬theless, towards the end of the 5th century and the beginning of the 4th, works of outstanding quality were produced in Lycia. The Heroon from Göl¬başı and particularly the Nereid Monument are among the most important works of art of the classical age. Although they betray a marked Phidian influ¬ence, their real greatness lies in their native Anatolian features. A particularly important work of creative art, now in the British Museum, is the relief sculpture of the phalanx hastening to battle from the Nereid Monument. The rows of identical figures in the relief have a powerful rhythmical effect. It is unique in the ancient world and represents the first successful attempt at ex¬pressionists sculpture. The creation of such superior works of art as the Nereid Monument in Xanthos encourages one in the belief that the sarco¬phagus from the royal necropolis of Sidon was actually a Lycian work (PI. 21).
In the 4th century, the Ionian art and culture of Anatolia played an impor¬tant if not leading role in the Hellenic world. The most important architec¬tural works of this period are the buildings of Pytheos, the great Greek archi¬tect : the temple of Athena at Priene, the prime example of Ionic style, and the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, one of the Seven Wonders of the World. Other great buildings were built at the same time in several cities of western Asia Minor. Labranda, excavated by Swedish archaeologists, still contains well- preserved ruins which give a vivid impression of the architecture of that time. Especially noteworthy are the excavations at Amyzon and Claros carried out by Louis Robert. The results of these excavations throw important light on the nature of the Doric order in Asia Minor. After Didyma, the temple of Claros was the most important oracle in Anatolia. Thanks to Roland Martin and Kristian Jeppesen, the basic scholarship on the architecture of the period has been carried out.
The Sarcophagus of the Mourning Women, and the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus in the Istanbul Museum are outstanding works of the period (Pis. 22, 23). The former is dated about 350 B. C. and the latter is late fourth century.
THE HELLENISTIC AGE (300- 30 B.C.)
The year 334, when Alexander crossed the Hellespont, heralded a new era in Greek civilization which was of great importance not only for the Hellenic people but also for the whole world. Known since Droysen as the “Helle¬nistic Age”, this historical period, which ended with Augustus, saw the ex¬pansion of Greek civilization as far as Asia and Africa. Alexander’s cultural policy respected the eastern mentality, but this created a tendency towards syncretism. Through the mingling of the oriental spirit with Greek civilization, a world culture came into being which was Greek in outward appearance but oriental in essence. Alexander was worshipped in Egypt as the son of the god Ammon. In Persia, he wore Persian costume and introduced the practice of proskynesis (prostration) to those approaching his person. This compromise between two radically different mentalities ended in the triumph¬ant advance of oriental religions into Europe,
Hellenistic civilization flourished in Anatolia, where there was already a healthy foundation of Hellenic culture. Under the guiding Anatolian-lonian spirit, a highly advanced civilization emerged whose remains still impress the whole of mankind deeply.
Several different kings ruled over Anatolia during the Hellenistic period. The kings of Pergamon (283 - 133 B. C.) who ruled in Aeolia and Ionia were eminent representatives and promoters of true Greek civilization. The Bithynian kings (327-74 B.C.) encouraged Greek civilization, while the Pontic rulers (302 - 36 B.C.) followed the example of Alexander’s cultural policy, which was outwardly Greek but inwardly of a marked orienta! character.
The Greek world experienced an economic boom during the Hellenistic period. Through contact with the eastern world, a lively trade activity devel¬oped under the leadership of capital cities such as Alexandria, Rhodes, Pergamon and Ephesus. Science also came into its own during this period. Astronomy and geometry, sciences founded by the philosophers of Ionia in the 6th century, were properly formulated for the first time in Alexandria during the Hellenistic period. With its library of 200,000 volumes, Pergamon became the second most important centre of learning of its time.
HELLENISTIC ARCHITECTURE
At the beginning of the Hellenistic period, Ionian architecture revealed no signs of a change in style. In the new Artemision at Ephesus (330 B. C.), the same ground plan as that of the archaic building was used (Fig. 53). The Apollo temple in Didyma (Fig. 84), begun in 310 B. C, had almost the same plan as the old building of 540 B. C. The very fame of the magnificent oid buildings became an obstacle to the progress of Greek architecture in the Hellenistic period. The pian of the temple of Athena in Priene, which is actually a prime example of the very best Ionic style of architecture, was unable to start a new school because it was 150 years too late from the point of view of the history of architectural development. Only one feature of Pytheos’ layout became traditional in Anatolian architecture : the opisthodomos of only one intercolumnar span which was first encountered in Ionian archi¬tecture in the Athena temple of Priene and which reappears afterwards at the beginning of the 3rd century in the Artemis temple at Sardis (Fig. 44). The narrow opisthodomos subsequently became a characteristic feature of Anato¬lian sanctuaries (Figs. 48, 62). Pytheos’ ground plan, however, had only one imitator; Hermogenes alone used it in his temple of Dionysus at Teos (Fig. 48). But the old-fashioned ground plan he had taken from the Doric order was quite out of place in the organic development of the Ionic temple.
This perípteros, with its 6 by I I columns and colonnades one span in depth on ail four sides, is really just a variation of the late archaic ground plan we find in temples such as the Aphaia sanctuary at Aegina, a late 6th century Doric building.
The colonnades formed by the perípteros around the naos differ consid¬erably from the Sonic style. In Ionian art, the tendency had been towards ever greater depth in the disposition of the peristasis. However, in Priene the colonnades have a depth of only one intercolumnar span. The only Ionian
feature is the deep pronaos. Otherwise, the plan has a pronounced Doric
The Doric temple of Athena at Pergamon (Fig. 24), built during the first quarter of the 3rd century, has almost the same ground-plan as Pytheos’ Ionic building. It has a peristasis with 6 by 10 columns, and frontal and lateral colonnades one intercolumnar span in depth. However, it was not to be expected that the architecture of Asia Minor would change over from the Ionic to a Doric ground-plan scheme. Already in 670 in the Hecatompe- dos II on Samos, a tendency can be observed to emphasize the entrance side of the temple with extra rows of columns. This predilection for prominent frontal sides is apparent in the Hera temples III and IV on Samos and also in the dipteral Ionic temples of the archaic and Hellenistic periods (Figs. 52, 83). The same trend is even more marked in the Artemis temple at Sardis, started at the beginning of the third century, and in its successors. This tendency is exemplified also in seven small prostyle temples, one at Priene, one at Mag¬nesia, and five at Pergamon (Fig. 33, 75).
For these reasons, it was only at the beginning of the 2nd century B.C., after a century’s delay, that the true characteristics of Hellenistic architecture appeared.
In the book of Vitruvius, the name of Hermogenes is closely associated with these innovations. He was an outstanding architect and a fine theore¬tician. According to Vitruvius’ account, we learn that Hermogenes, like Pytheos, left writings about his own architectural works and theories. We know from Vitruvius that Hermogenes built the Dionysus temple at Teos and the Artemision at Magnesia. Moreover, he tells us that Hermogenes preferred the eustyle principle, whereby the distance between the centre lines of the columns (interaxial span) measures two and a quarter times the diameter at the base of the shaft. Hermogenes was also the “inventor” of the pseudo- dipteros (Fig. 63).
The present remains of the Dionysus sanctuary at Teos do in fact conform to the above measurements. The Teos temple is constructed exactly according to Hermogenes’ eustyle system. On the other hand, it is not a pseudodipteros but a peripteros, which repeats the old-style design on the Athena temple at Priene. However, there are two other Hellenistic innovations in the archi¬tecture of this building which have a connection with Hermogenes, namely the use of the Attic base and the Attic frieze. Both elements are also evident in his temple at Magnesia (Figs. 64, 65).
Since the Dionysus temple at Teos is not a pseudodipteros but follows the Priene ground-plan, we may assume that it is one of Hermogenes’ earlier works. The Dionysus temple at Teos, like the Athena temple in Priene, is a peripteros with 6 by 11 columns. It has the same deep pronaos with two columns in antis and the same narrow opisthodomos, also with columns be¬tween antae. At the same time, the cella of Hermogenes’ building is almost as large as the pronaos. However, unlike the Priene temple, its length does not correspond to half the length of the naos.
Besides this, it should be pointed out that the Teos temple observes a strict axiality in its form. All the partition walls of the naos (cf. the Artemision at Magnesia-on-the-Maeander Fig. 63), are in lin ewith the corresponding columns of the pteron. In the Athena temple at Priene, the rear wall of the pronaos, however, is not on the same axis as the columns of the peristyle. Hermogenes evidently allowed himself some modifications here although in all other respects he adopted Pytheos’ architectural layout.
Not long ago, the small shrine of Zeus Sosipolis in Magnesia (Fig. 62) was perceptively ascribed to Hermogenes by Gottfried Gruben.The stylobate of the shrine measures 7.38 x 15.82 m. and it is probably one of the master’s early works, erected before the Dionysus temple at Teos. The ground plan is eustyle with the prescribed eustyle columns 9 x/2 times the height of the lower shaft diameter; thus the Magnesia temple is a prime example of Hermo- genes’ architecture as described by Vitruvius. Other architectural features like the Attic frieze and the alternating sequence of Attic profiles (torus-trochi- lus - torus) at the foot of the walls are innovations of Hellenistic architecture which show a close connection with Hermogenes. We can add to this the richly ornamental doors which are modelled on those of the Erechtheum in Athens. In view of these well-attested common characteristics, the shrine can safely be attributed to Hermogenes, as Gruben has already maintained. The continued use of the Ionic base suggests that the small Zeus temple was built earlier than Hermogenes’ two buildings in Teos and Magnesia, where this old-fashioned type of base is no longer seen. The absence of frieze reliefs on the entablature might also be evidence of its early construction. Obviously, Hermogenes would have tried out his innovations gradually. Nevertheless, the new features of Hermogenes, i.e., of Hellenistic architecture, are seen most clearly in the Artemis temple at Magnesia.
The development of the pseudo-dipteros is his greatest achievement (Fig. 63). In the pseudo-dipteros the inner pteron is omitted - an advance of great importance in Greek architecture. For in this way, as H. Drerup has recently demonstrated, a spacious colonnade two spans in width is formed around the actual core of the temple. Since these surrounding colonnades were pleasant halls to walk in, protected from sun and rain, the temple became one of the citizens’ most important amenities. Moreover, they produced a pleasing visual effect through the striking contrast between the white col¬umns gleaming in the sun and the deep shadows they formed.
Hermogenes’ pseudo-dipteros was a pioneering work; in the succeeding Hellenistic and Roman periods it became the standard temple type. With its spacious colonnades it expressed the taste and genius of its time. In the Hellenistic period, the stoa’s shady, well-ventilated space was developed into an impressive architectural form. The fondness for spacious buildings can be seen clearly at Priene. In the middle of the 2nd century B. C., while great building activities were in progress and the Athena temple received a new altar and cult statue, the architects did not hesitate to erect a Doric stoa in front of the south side of the shrine. This hall was open to the south, enabling visitors to enjoy the warmth of the sunshine and the magnificent view over the city and landscape. On the other hand, the view of the temple
and altar was impaired. The south colonnade of the temple, oniy one columnar span in depth and barely 40 m. long, was quite unsuitable for taking a stroll or enjoying the view. For this reason, the Doric stoa, 80 m. X 7 m., was built, whose cool, generous shade offered a pleasant place for walking and an ideal open area with an impressive view of the lively town and the gentle wide plain.
in the Artemis temple, Hermogenes gave up the old Ionic base (Fig. 66), which was probably considered rather delicate and over-detailed. Instead, he introduced the simpler, less delicate-looking Attic base (Fig. 65) and combined it with the old Ionic plinth. This new architectural form of Her¬mogenes also became standard; his base was the classical model for succeeding periods and was handed on to the architects of the Renaissance through Vitruvius.
In his greatest building, the Artemision at Magnesia, Hermogenes’ capital has also lost the elegant and dynamic form of the old Ionic type. In the capitals of the Artemision, the upper edge of the egg - and - tongue pattern, i.e. the lower line of the canal is, runs in a straight, almost hard line, and the scrolls are so contracted that the egg - and - tongue pattern under the cushions can no longer be seen even from below. Hermogenes was not interested in lively dynamic lines, plastic profiling or small details which could be appreciated only from close view. As in the deep surrounding colonnades of his temple, Hermogenes’ chief interest lay in the impressive play of light and shadow and in the effect produced from a distance. Thus the egg - and - tongue pattern is more deeply and freely engraved and the palmette, like the folds of the dresses on the figures of the Zeus altar of Pergamon, is deeply cut away for contrast. The bold manner in which the diagonal palmettes encroach upon the ovolo is also a new feature which can only be understood as part of the baroque and emotional character of the Hellenistic period.
In Vitruvius’ book we see that Hermogenes’ treatise on proportion classifies temples according to the relation of lower shaft diameter to the span between the columnar axes. He distinguishes the following 5 types of temple :
pyknostyle (close-columned; span : I 1/2 X diameter) systyle (narrow-columned; span : 2 X diameter)
eustyle (well-columned; span : 21/ix diameter)
diastyle (wide-columned; span : 3 x diameter)
araeostyle (lightly-columned : span : 3 1/2 x diameter)
Hermogenes expressed a preference for the eustyle temple where the interaxial span is equivalent to 2 1/i times the lower diameter of the shaft. However, as we have already seen, he applied this principle only in his early works (Fig. 48). In his masterpiece, the temple at Magnesia, he abandoned the eustyle principle probably because he felt it produced too crowded an effect. In the Artemision, the lower diameter of the shaft is 1.40m and the span 3.94m. Here, the span being 2x/2 diameters, Hermogenes was approaching the diastyle principle, in which the span is 3 times the diameter. Had he used the diastyle principle in the Artemision, the span would have had to measure 4.20 m.
The tendency towards buildings with widely-spaced columns which we observe in Hermogenes reflects the general trend of all late Greek architec¬ture. The explanation lies in the Hellenistic conception of architecture; the architects of this period aimed to reduce the massiveness of their construc¬tions and attain the maximum lightness.The architects of the later Hellenistic period developed the principle of widely-spaced columns further in their public buildings and made the distance between columns even greater.
In the temple of Zeus at Magnesia the dentil band has been extended to the sloping geison for the first time. This peculiarity is a sign of the architects’ growing inclination to enrich their monuments with decorative designs and enliven a structure by means of contrasting ornament. Hermogenes was no doubt the founder and defender of this new architectural concept.
The tendency to lighten building mass is also seen in the much - discussed three openings in the pediment of the Artemision at Magnesia (Fig. 64). The middle opening is 2.5 m. in height and the two side openings 80 cm. The central opening was supposed to serve as a means of manifesting the presence of the goddess. Similar pediment openings are seen on numismatic represent¬ations of the temple at Ephesus. It is possible that Artemis appeared co her credulous congregation at religious festivals through this doorway in the manner of a “deus ex machina”. Whether such ceremonies actually took place or not, the three openings in the pediment of the Artemision had a definite purpose from the point of view of Hermogenes’ style. A glance at the graphic reconstruction of the temple (Fig. 64) will confirm that the central openingsof both pediments are located directly over the central span of the façade (Fig. 64) and that the latter is one third wider than the other spans. With this large opening, the architect possibly wished to relieve part of the pressure of the pediment on the two centre columns, since the dis¬tance between them was considerable (5.25 m). Yet the real purpose of this “doorway” and its two “windows” appears to be primarily aesthetic. 1 believe that the design is determined by the same love of axiality which we have already noticed in the ground plan. In both the breadth and length of the design we know that the walls and columns observe the strictest axial ity. Furthermore, it should not be forgotten that these three openings are repeat¬ed on the tympanum of the rear (east) pediment. If the opening had served only as a stage for the enactment of miracles, then one opening on the main (west) front would have sufficed. By means of these centre openings in the tympanum, the heavily emphasized middle axis of the ground plan is projected upwards in the elevation of the building. In other words, the two openings at either end of the temple are on the same axis, parallel with the axis of the ground plan.
The three openings should be regarded as a unit. Without the side win¬dows, the middle doorway would lack symmetry and harmony and call too much attention to itself. The single dark space would be too dominant a fea¬ture. The smaller windows, therefore, have an animating and at the same time a softening effect on the surface composition of the pediment. Besides this, the three tympanum openings together with the three acroteria form a fine crown over the whole temple façade.
Hermogenes’ principle of widely-spaced columns required a reduction in the weight and therefore in the heightof thefrieze and the supported architec¬tural elements. As the interaxial span increased considerably, the height of the architrave and frieze decreased in the next period. The architrave was reduced from three to two fasciae, thus necessitating an increase in the number of metopes to avoid their becoming too wide. Consequently, in the 2nd century B. C., there were three metopes per inter-axial span in temples and four in halls (Fig. 27). Moreover, the use of a triglyph frieze above an Ionic architrave with two fasciae is probably due to the reduction in the height of the frieze. In the case of the Athena temple at Pergamon, for instance, if the very low frieze of the halls had not been vertically designed with 5 metopes and 6 triglyphs above each interaxial span, this part of the building would have over-emphasized the horizontality of the temple like a second architrave.
Much has been written about the dates of Hermogenes’ buildings. The most likely period, as A. v. Gerkan suggested, is between 150 and 130 B. C. From the point of view of the history of art, the 2nd century B. C. is the only acceptable dating. Datings based on historical incidents, unless they agree with stylistic considerations, are often misleading.
The great pioneering innovations of Hermogenes cannot possibly have taken place in the 3rd century. We have seen in Ephesus and Didyma how the old-fashioned style of the archaic period continued to influence the design of the ground plan. Even the Artemision at Sardis (Fig. 44), whose initial construction phase belongs to the first half of the 3rd century, derives largely from old traditional forms. It is significant that, as late as 175 B. C., Antiochus IV, King of Syria, had the temple of Zeus Olympios in Athens erected on old Peisistratic foundations i.e. in the form of an archaic dipteros. This means that the traditional methods of building still persisted in the Hellenistic centres in the first quarter of the 2nd century. It is not surprising that the new architectural concepts, which doubtless sprang from the new philosophy of the Hellenistic period, should require a considerable time to achieve a concrete form. Pioneering innovations like those of Hermogenes can certainly only have occurred during the course of the 2nd century B. C.
In the Dionysus sanctuary at Teos, large fragments of a central acroterium have been brought to light as a result of excavations carried out in recent years. The shape of its acanthus leaves suggests that it belongs to the middle period of Hellenistic art. Thanks to the vigorous building activity of the Helle¬nistic kings, Hermogenes and his contemporaries were fortunate enough to finish their works without undue delay. Consequently, there cannot have been a very long time between the foundation and completion of the Teos temple. The discovery of the acroterium therefore gives us a valuable clue to the date of the building’s construction. The outside edges of the acanthus leaves of the acroterium have “eyes” like those of the central acroterium of the Artemision in Magnesia. With their highly contrasting play of light and shadow they are very like the ornamented capitals at Magnesia. The temple of Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia which, like Gruben, I would classify as an early work of Hermogenes, has Ionic capitals, however, which still conform to the“classi- cal” style of the Athena temple at Priene. From the stylistic point of view, Hermogenes must have built his two early works in the second quarter of the 2nd century, and the Artemision in the third quarter of the same century.
it is only by a thorough examination of architectural ornament, in our opinion, that the question of the chronological order of Hellenistic architec¬ture can be solved. The Hellenistic architects also introduced innovations in the Doric order, with not altogether happy results. The Doric columns of the Hellenistic period are slim and almost without entasis. The flutes were outlined but not executed. Instead of fluting, the columns have prismatic edges. Frequently the lower shaft is left smooth while the remainder is fluted. On the capital, the echinus profile is almost rectilinear; there are no curving lines. Above the architrave, as we have already explained, the number of metopes has increased and the intercolumnar distance has widened. In place of the metope system still used in the third century, we now find, in the second century, a system of 3 metopes per span in temples and 3 or 4 metopes per span in stoas (Fig. 27). The predilection for blending Ionic and Doric elements can best be observed in the small market temple at Pergamon. Although it has triglyphs and its architrave and capitals are Doric in style, the building has columns and bases in Ionic style, as has been pointed out by W. Zschietzschmann. The inner architrave of the building is Ionic, with two fasciae, but the outer architrave is Doric, with a projecting taenia. In the colonnades of the Athena temple at Pergamon, the Ionic columns of the upper storey carry an Ionic architrave under a Doric triglyph frieze with 5 metopes per span. In the bouleuterion (council house) at Miletos,the echinus of the Doric capitals is carved with an egg-and-tongue ornament. This stylisitic mixture goes rather too far, of course, but as we have seen in the colonnades of the Athena temple at Pergamon, it is nevertheless a pleasure to see a delicate ionic top storey supported by a heavier Doric bottom storey. The Hellenistic peculiarity of distributing the various orders throughout buildings of several storeys is continued in Roman architecture, as we see in the Marcellus theatre and the Colosseum. The Colosseum in Rome has Doric columns in the lower storey, Ionic in the middle storey and Corinthian, at the top.The Corinthian capital first came into its own in the buildings of Asia Minor. The Corinth¬ian capitals of the Mausoleum of Belevi (pi. 73) are an impressive, luxuriant offspring of the canonical prototype of the tholos in Epidaurus, which has beautiful proportions. The oldest existing temple of the Corinthian order is in the ancient city of Olba (Diocaesarea) in Asia Minor. Its well-preserved ruins can be seen at Uzunca Burç, north of Silifke (Pis. 10 a, 102). When we come later to study each individual ruin, we shall see that the Corinthian capital is employed in a large number of buildings in Asia Minor. Its rich plant ornamentation lent itself to distant effects of contrasting light and shadow and suited the aesthetic sensibility of the Hellenistic age. Roman art, with its strong innate tendency to powerful and lively modes of expression, also preferred the fantasy of the Corinthian capital to the elegance of the Ionic capital or the organic structure of the Doric. It is typical that Sulla, the Roman general and dictator, was fascinated by the Corinthian capitals of the Olympieion in Athens. In 85 B. C., while staying in Athens, he had several columns of this no doubt awe-inspiring temple shipped to Rome, where they were used in the construction of the Jupiter temple on the Capitoline. It is quite possible that the magnificent capitals of these columns from the
Athenian Olympieion helped to make the Corinthian order better known and liked, on Italian soil.
The Hellenistic kings also erected splendid works in Athens. About 175 B. C., King Antiochus IV of Syria commissioned the Roman architect Cossutius, who was probably well versed in Greek architecture, to build a Corinthian dipteros over the old Peisistratic foundations of the Athenian Olympieion. The thirteen adjacent columns of the south-east wing of this —even today— impressive-looking temple belong to the Hellenistic building, while the remaining columns were erected mainly in Hadrian’s time. In Athens, a colonnade with two aisles 164 m long was erected by Eumenes II, King of Pergamon. This lies between the theatre of Dionysus and the odeion of Herodes Atticus. Another King of Pergamon, Attalos II, built a stoa in the agora of Athens, I 17 m in length and 20 m wide. The present building, which stands on the old foundations, has been restored, partly with the original stone but largely with modern materials. It will be remembered that Attalos I had previously built a stoa in Delphi.
One of the great merits of the Hellenistic Age was the increasing secu¬larization of its architecture. This process was made possible by the gradual weakening of the strong religious feeling of the early Greek ages. In the second century B. C., temples decrease noticeably in size, being reduced to smaller proportions (Fig. 33). They were no longer the chief municipal buildings. Stoas, market places, gymnasia, theatres, town halls and other public halls were now regarded as worthy monuments. Greek buildings were no longer “highly revered but useless” memorials, as one Roman engineer towards the end of the second century A. D. described the temples of the classical age; on the contrary, they were impressive, functional buildings erected to serve the community. The monumental altar of Zeus at Pergamon (Pis. 34, 35) was not a religious edifice in the same sense as a temple in preced¬ing periods. It was, in a tactful and measured manner, much more an ad-monitory symbol of the victory of the Pergamene people over the Galatians. This worldly philosophy of the Hellenistic age extended the Greek architects’ horizon and opened up new perspectives. They now turned to other social and cultural tasks and created an original, forward-looking style which was of enormous service to the development of Roman architecture.
Thus the Hellenistic architects became pioneers for Greek and Roman art. We have already seen how Roman art adopted certain “Hermogenic” or Hellenistic advances such as the pseudo-dipteral temple, the Attic base on an Ionic plinth and the deeply incised ornamentation with its strong play of light and shadow.
The development of functional buildings, which has just been mentioned, is also a Hellenistic achievement, significant in that it made possible the great engineering feats of Roman architecture. Characteristic features like axiality and symmetry, the podium temple, the arrangement of flights of steps and buildings of more than one storey go back to Hellenistic begin¬nings, experiments and models.
The principle of strict axiality, which we have observed in the Arte- mision at Magnesia, can be seen equally clearly in the emphasis given to the centrai axis of two other contemporary buildings - the councii house and gymnasium at Miletos (Figs. 79, 80). These are the first attempts at an axial plan, and advanced examples will be found much later on in Roman architecture.
As we have pointed out above, the emphasis on the entrance, a predilec¬tion unknown in Doric architecture, is an essential element in Ionic archi¬tecture from the outset. The continued development of this trend in the Hellenistic period led to the creation of the façades. A prostyle in Priene (Fig. 75), another in Magnesia (Fig. 62) and five in Pergamon (Fig. 33) are buildings with a pronounced “front end”. The sanctuary of Zeus Olympios at Priene, which originated in the third century, is the oldest of them. On account of its position against the rear wall of the market, the temple lost its four-sided character, i.e. the most important peculiarity of a Greek temple. By “securing its rear” within the market complex, the temple acquired a dominating, throne-like position exactly like the temple of the Imperial Forum in Rome. The two above-mentioned prostyles at Pergamon occupy a similar position in the complexes of which they form a part.
The tendency to stress the front side is taken a decisive step further in the prostyle at the end of the theatre terrace at Pergamon (Pis. 31, 32). The front of this building was doubly emphasized by a monumental flight of steps. This podium temple with its open flight of steps is the outcome of a long period of development in Asia Minor. Already its form had become canonical; it reappears a short time later in Roman architecture in a slightly different guise. That Roman art owes its podium temple to Hellenistic architecture is proved by the Ara Pads in Rome, which copies the design of the steps of the Pergamene altar (Pis. 33, 34). Other Roman podium temples were no doubt equally dependent on Hellenistic models (see PI. 32, Fig. 33).
Imposing, monumental flights of steps like the one in front of the sanctu¬ary on the theatre terrace at Pergamon can also be seen on Cos and at Lindos on Rhodes. The altar of Zeus already mentioned as podium construction is another highly impressive example of a Hellenistic stairway, with an open flight of 28 steps at the front (Pis. 33 - 35). Flights of steps played an extremely important role in Hellenistic architecture and were an important part of the temples and halls. The theatron of the Demeter temenos at Pergamon (Fig. 34), with its 43 metre - wide flight of 10 steps, is an example from the late fourth century. The Apollo temple at Didyma, begun around 310 B. C., has a high base of 7 steps; moreover, there is an open flight of 14 steps leading up to the east front (PI. 68 a). The later Artemision at Ephesus stood on a mighty base of 13 steps (Fig. 53). These examples are a sufficient indication that the monumental stairway of the temple at the end of the theatre terrace at Pergamon is a form of Hellenistic architecture in the tradition of Asia Minor.
The storeyed building is supposed to have been invented in the third century by Sostratos of Cnidus, who built the Pharos of Alexandria — one of the Seven Wonders cf the World. What is meant, in fact, is the storeyed stoa, which is a major achievement of the Hellenistic age. The Nereid Mo¬nument from the end of'the fifth century and the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus (Fig. 95) from the middle of the fourth century were already existing examples
of the Dionysus temple at Teos, for instance, the eyes of the acanthus leaves, like those of other similar monuments in Asia Minor, are not completely closed, but have a small opening. It is highly probable that stone masons of the same school and generation worked on the three buildings at Miletos, Magnesia and the Troad. The comparisons made above are sufficient proof of the contemporaneity of the Apollo Smintheus temple, the Artemision in Magnesia and the Miletos bouleuterion. They might all have been built in the same period as the Miletos structure, 170 B. C., or slightly earlier or later. At all events, they belong to the second century B. C.
This conclusion is important, since we now see that the temple of Apollo Smintheus belongs to the same period as the likewise pseudo - dipteral temple at Magnesia. The temple at Messa on Lesbos (Fig. I) can scarcely be earlier, since the really progressive developments in Hellenistic architecture were taking place in Asia Minor during the 2nd century B. C.
This analysis entitles us to conclude that the concept of the pseudo- dipteral temple has a definite connection with Hermogenes. Of course one cannot credit him with the invention of this form as Vitruvius does, since it was already developed in Italy in the sixth century B. C. Nevertheless, it should be pointed out that the organic development of the Ionic temple, described above, and the new aesthetic sensibility of the Hellenistic Age were the factors which gave rise to the new architectural form. Our stylistic observations strongly suggest that Hermogenes was the leading spirit of the new architecture and the initiator of most of the innovations in Hellenistic architecture.
Temples related to the Artemision in Magnesia were : the Smintheion at Chryse in the Troad (Fig. 2), the Aphrodite temple at Messa on Lesbos (Fig. I) and the two other broad - colonnaded temples of Hellenistic Asia Minor, the Hekateion at Lagina (Fig. 3) and the Apollo temple at Alabanda (Fig. 4). The ground plans of the latter two sanctuaries are very similar to one another. As Schober has noted, Menesthes, whom Vitruvius mentions as the architect of the Apollo temple at Alabanda, is also the probable author of the Heka¬teion. Schober’s accurate dating of the frieze reliefs of the Hekateion to the
eus at Chryse in the Troad. Pseudo-dipteros of the Ionic order with 8 6/14 columns. Stylobate measuring 24.30 x 43.52 m. Second century 8. C. Fig. 3) Hekateion at Lagina in Caria. Pseudo-dipteros with 8 by I I Corinthian columns. Stylobate measuring 21.30 x 28.00 m. Second half of the second century B>. C. Fig. 4) Temple of Apollo at Alabanda in Caria. Pseudo-dipteros with 8 fay 13 columns probably of the Doric order, designed by the architect Menesthes. Stylobate measuring 21.66 x 34.53 m. Second half of the second century B. C.
Figs. 4 a, fa - Order of the Temple of Aph¬rodite at Messa (Fig. I): Ionic base of Pytheos type, Ionic capital of early Hel¬lenistic form and entablature, consisting of an architrave with three fasciae, a frieze and dentils.
final quarter of the second century is a further indication that the pseudo- dipteros appeared just after the middle of the second century and rapidly became widespread.
SCULPTURE
The leading centre of sculptural activity in Asia Minor in the Hellenistic age was Pergamon. Its Golden Age falls in the reign of Eumenes II. In 180 B. C., he built the great altar on the citadel of Pergamon and dedicated it to Zeus and Athena. The sculptures of this great work of antiquity are the finest examples of Hellenistic plastic art. They represent a gigantomachy (struggle of gods and giants) but also symbolize the victory of Pergamon over the Gauls. The style has a baroque note and might be described as an intensified form of the artistic movement of the fourth century. Hair flies loose, and its deeply engraved lines produce a strong contrast of light and shade. Most
characteristic is the tragic upward gaze of the deeply sunken eyes, the frown¬ing brows and the half-open mouth. The faces express passionate emotion, agony and anger.
The muscles are exaggeratedly flexed; the clothing is arranged in agi¬tated diagonal folds forming deep shadows. The body movements are violent and wild. New statuary models were created which influenced succeeding periods. Pergamene elements were recently identified by Erika Simon in the frieze of the Villa dei Mysterii near Pompeii.
Besides the faces with their exaggerated expressions of agony, there are also handsome male faces and splendidly characterized male bodies. The female figures are generally quite enchanting. The most beautiful and best preserved are Artemis and Nyx.
The sculptures from the Pergamene altar are now in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. In the Istanbul Museum there is a single head of a woman. This was identified recently by H. Luschey as the missing head of Aphrodite, in the north frieze of the altar. In the Pergamon Museum there is a bearded head in the most beautiful Pergamene style (PI. 38), which was found during the recent excavation in the colonnaded street of the Asclepieum in Pergamon. This fine head, larger than life - size, does not in fact belong to the frieze of the altar. At the same time it is an outstanding example of the Pergamene school of sculpture which flourished during the first half of the second cen¬tury. The head of a young man in the museum at Pergamon was identified by Luschey as the missing head of the sword-bearer in the Telephos frieze of the Pergamon altar.
THE ROMAN AGE (30 B. C. - A. D. 395)
In the first and second centuries A. D., the Anatolian cities were among the richest, most important centres of art and civilization of their age. A large number of them have survived to our own day as impressive ruins in an excellent state of preservation. Many have already been partly excavated and many others are being systematically studied at this moment. The excavations at Pergamon are being continued successfully under Wolfgang Radt’s direc¬tion. The excavations at Ephesus carried out by J. KeiI after World War I, and by F. Miltner followed by Fritz Eichler after World War II, are now in progress under the direction of H. Vetters. Every year they yield im¬portant discoveries. In Hierapolis (PI. 59a), Italian archaeologists under Paulo Verzone have done distinguished research work, in Aphrodisias, the New York University is sponsoring an excavation directed by Kenan Erim. He has already brought to light highly important buildings and numer¬ous sculptures (Pis. 60 - 63) of outstanding quality belonging to the famous school of Aphrodisias. Side and Perge, located in Pamphylia on the south¬ern coast of Anatolia, have been thoroughly and systematically studied over the last two decades by the Turkish archaeologist Arif Müfid Mansel. There is already a fine museum in Side, where the beautiful finds from the excavations are housed (Pis. 98 - 99).
The Greco - Anatolian tradition continued almost uninterrupted in Roman times. This is primarily reflected in the originality of the local archi¬tecture of Asia Minor. Nevertheless, the new building techniques and the engineering methods employed in Anatolian architecture in this period are entirely Roman in character. Even in several large cities like Pergamon, the Hellenistic architects had often executed only the ornamental parts of their monuments in marble, contenting themselves with andesite for the rest. In Roman times, on the contrary, marble became the principal material for building. The newly-invented building material of bricks bound with mortar was then used for the first time in the construction of functional buildings, while marble slabs were used to cover the outer surfaces.
Large monuments were no longer erected on foundations of stone piles or by means of terracing and levelling. They were now built over a substruc¬ture of barrel-vaulting or groined-vaulting. Similarly, in Roman times, theatres no longer rested on the slopes of a hill, as was the practice in Greek times, but were supported by a complex of arcades and tunnel vaults. How¬ever, most Anatolian architects still preferred to erect their theatres on hill¬sides (PI. 39). It is typical that the theatre of Aspendos, although supported by arcades and vaulting, is also built against a hillside (Pis. 100 - 101). Evidently, the architect was most concerned to remain faithful to the old tradition of the hillside theatre.
Other theatres in Asia Minor followed the Roman pattern. Even those theatres built during the Hellenistic period, e.g. at Pergamon and Ephesus, were adapted to suit the prevailing fashion (Pis. 3 1, 15). The Roman inno¬vations and inventions in building can be listed as follows :
1) The two-storey wall at the back of the stage (scaenae frons) is a Roman architectural feature. The Roman architects had transformed the old Greek theatre with its natural setting, into a regular enclosed space, shut off from the outside world, so that the stage wall had to be the same height as the theatron. Hence the façades of two to three storeys which characterize Ro¬man stages. Asia Minor produced the finest façades of all (Pis. 15, 101). The explanation may possibly be that two-storey colonnades were originally a Hellenistic invention.
2) The podium or pulpitum or proscenium, which had served as the acting area since the second half of the second century B. C., is enlarged by an increase in depth in the Roman period.
3) In Roman times, the side entrances to the theatre (parodoi), instead of being diagonally situated between stage and theatron, as they invariably were in Greek theatres, are at right angles to them (PI. 39). In addition, they are covered and thus form an architectural link between the theatron and the stage façade. The theatre at Aspendos offers the finest example of this development (Pis. 15, 101).
4) In Hellenistic times, the ground-plan of the orchestra was in the shape of a horseshoe (Fig. 72). In the Roman theatre this becomes a semicircle (Fig. 38). This reduction in size was possible since the orchestra was no long¬er used as an acting or dancing area. The theatron and the orchestra now conformed to a semicircular plan, thus guaranteeing a good view, even to spectators in the front seats at the extreme edges of the theatron.
5) The theatron (also called cavea or auditorium), which was built against the hillside in Greek times, was later supported by a substructure of barrel-vaulting.
6) In the Roman period, the theatron was crowned by a colonnade, sup-ported by groined-vaulting (Pis. 96 a, 101 b).
7) The most important achievement in Roman theatre architecture was its creation of a self-contained interior. The Greek theatre is character¬ized by the way it blends with the surrounding town and landscape. In Ephesus, for instance, in Hellenistic times, the spectators in the theatre were also in a sense still in the streets, since the town was visible from every seat, owing to the height of the theatron and the shortness of the rear stage wall. For the same reason, they had a magnificent view beyond the stage to the town and the sea (PI. 57 b). In the Roman period, on the contrary, after the com¬plete reconstruction which took place in Septimius Severus’ reign, spectators in the same theatre found themselves in an interior that was sealed off from the outside world by its three-storey stage wall and the equally high paro- doi. No longer distracted by the view of the town and landscape, they could concentrate on the spectacle. With this self-contained enclosure, the Romans attained their ideal of a theatre built in stone. The best example of this per¬fected type of theatre can be found at Aspendos (Pis. 15, 100- 101).
The invention of central-heating in Rome, ca. 80 B. C., by means of hot air circulating under the floors and through hollow bricks in the wall, encour¬aged the erection of huge thermal buildings. Large baths, often combined with gymnasia, were built in all the cities of Asia Minor. The finest examples are the Vedius gymnasium in Ephesus, the Faustina baths in Miletos and the thermal baths of Side, now used as a museum.
As further examples of outstanding functional architecture and engineer-ing, stone bridges and aqueducts should be mentioned. Only a few examples of Greek stone bridges have survived.
The handsome remains of a stone bridge uncovered at Pergamon date from Greek times. However, it is a modest work compared with the imposing examples of the Roman period. Aqueducts are a specifically Roman invention. One of the finest and oldest aqueducts in Anatolia is to be found just outside Ephesus on the Soke road. Amphitheatres, likewise a purely Roman inheri¬tance, were not so common in Anatolia. The gladiatorial contests and animal baiting that took place in them were foreign to the Greek temperament. None of the surviving examples in Anatolia is in good condition. Another typ¬ically Roman edifice, the triumphal arch, is very rare in Asia Minor. On the other hand, town gateways were popular in Asia Minor in Roman times. The arched buildings of Antalya (Fig. 160), Patara (Fig. 100) and Perge (PI. 98b) are not triumphal arches but rather town-gates which derive from Hellenistic arches. Their earliest prototypes are the single arch leading to the agora in Priene and the double arched entrance to the theatre terrace at Pergamon (see p. 83 and Fig. 24, No. 18).
Other characteristic structures of the Roman period, are the richly or-namented monumental façades of libraries, fountains and rear stage walls (PI. ¡01). The design, consisting of projecting or recessed architectural features such as columns, pediments or niches, is a purely Roman con¬ception. Most typical of all is the symmetrical alternation between rectilinear and curved sections of pediments. This variation and alternation of tectonic elements is a design created by Roman artists in their attempt to develop new architectural ideas from Greek precedents. The most important variation in design between the original Greek and Roman columnar architecture can be seen in the emphatically horizontal lines of Hellenistic stoas, as opposed to the vertical emphasis of Roman façades.
The Roman preference for the vertical emphasis of their façades is best seen in secular structures, especially in their triumphal arches. It is interesting to note that this tendency was the result of a hesitant and gradual develop¬ment. The earliest attempts to bring the vertical features of a building into prominence were made in the Marcellus theatre and the Colosseum in Rome. The dominating horizontal Greek lines of the façades of these monuments are relieved by placing pedestals beneath the columns of the upper storeys. The horizontal lines are thus broken up at intervals. However, the general impression of horizontally is not completely overcome, since, between each storey, the cornice of the entablatures still forms a continuous horizontal line. The vertical effect is more successfully attained in the arch of Titus in Rome and the arch of Trajan in Ancona. Here the entablature turns outwards at right angles to follow the projection of each column. The strongest ver¬tical effect is achieved in A. D. 312 in Constantine’s triumphal arch. Here, the projecting entablature above each column allows the vertical lines to rise without interruption to the top of the arch.
In spite of the widespread use of vertical mouldings based on Roman models, the architects of Asia Minor were to some extent able to preserve the horizontality of their façades. Here the projecting entablatures are not the width of one column, as in Rome, but of a whole intercolumnar span. In addi¬tion, horizontal features were always inserted between each storey, so that a well-balanced harmony between the horizontal and the vertical was achieved, as, for instance, in the gateway to the market place in Miletos (PI. 74 b). The town gateway of Antalya is a good example of Roman influence. (Fig. 160). The prominent sections of entablature of this building are supported, in typically Roman fashion, by columns with tall pedestals. However, since the gateway is only one-storeyed, with a very wide façade, the strongly vertical lines of the columns and the corresponding projecting sections of the entablature do not stand out. The architect has succeeded admirably in establishing a pleasing harmony between the fashionable vertical Roman design and the native horizontal Greek lines.
One of the most important innovations of Roman architecture is the highly impressive development of the arch and the arcade. The use of rows of arches gave an entirely original external appearance to Roman monuments. Arcades were an important element in buildings like the Aspendos theatre, especially in the enlivening and lightening effect they had on the façades (Pis. 15, 101).
The arch had already been used in Asia Minor in the second century B. C. in the construction of market or boundary gates. As we partly stated above, the arch of the market gate at Priene, the gateway in the city wall of Herakleia (PI. 75b), the gatehouse - tower at Sillyum and the double arched-gate of the theatre terrace at Pergamon seem to represent the first attempts in using this structural element.
By constructing domes and vaults, Roman engineers produced masterpieces of architecture.The Pantheon in Rome is a preeminent achieve¬ment of antiquity. The temple of Asclepius in Pergamon which, like the Pantheon, has a cylindrical supporting body, is probably an imitation of the great Roman model.
The colonnaded street, which protected people from sun and rain, was a remarkable invention of Roman architecture. It represented a great advance in town planning, and gave the life of the town a distinctive, ceremonial character. The imposing remains of colonnaded streets have survived in several Anatolian cities (PI. 96b).
We mentioned above that the Corinthian capital was the main element which Roman architecture adopted from Hellenistic examples (PI. 73). Actu¬ally, the architects of Asia Minor continued their native tradition in Roman times, although they were careful to follow the fashion dictated by Rome. In this way, the composite capital came into use for the first time in the arch of Titus. This reveals a mixture of Corinthian capitals with the volutes of Ionic capitals. Figured capitals decorated with heads, busts and full figures, which were popular in Rome in Caracalla’s time, were often seen in Asia Minor. They are Anatolian and Near Eastern in origin.
Roman sepulchral art had little influence in Asia Minor during the Roman period since the Greeks in Anatolia continued to draw on the native tradition.
PART TWO ANCIENT RUINS
BYZANTIUM
According to ancient writers, Byzantium was founded in the middle of the 7th century B. C by the people of Megara and Argos under the lead¬ership of Byzas. The finding of late protocorinthian aryballoi during exca¬vations carried out at the Topkapi Palace, i.e. on the acropolis of Byzantium, has more or less confirmed this traditionally-held belief concerning the date of foundation. The city was enlarged by Constantine the Great about A. D. 330, and, from 395 onwards, it was the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire. In 1453 it was captured by the Turks.
The Istanbul Archaeological Museum. The Istanbul Archaeological Museum still contains the best examples of Greek and Roman anti¬quities in Turkey. The works of art, systematically displayed, are explained in detail on accompanying labels. The section devoted to works of the An¬cient Near East consists largely of discoveries made during the time of the Ottoman Empire. It contains collections of sculptures, reliefs and vases belonging to the Babylonian, Sumerian, Assyrian and Hittite periods. The statue base and two reliefs, photographs of which appear in this book (Pis. 17-18), were discovered at Zincirli; they are representative of the Middle Neo-Hittite style.The orthostat relief which depicts a married couple (PI. 17), and the column base flanked by two sphinxes (PI. 18 a) date from the second half of the 8th century, whereas the other relief is attributed to the end of the 9th century. Here are reproduced drawings of some other Hittite sculptures and reliefs (Figs. 5- 10). The explanation of each object is to be found in the corresponding caption.
Fig. 6a - Lion relief. Orthostat from Zincirli. Early to Middle Neo-Hittite style 832-810 8. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 6b - Lion base from Zincirli. Middle Neo-Hittite style.
832-810 B. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 7-Relief from Zincirli, depicting a bird-headed genius. Middle Neo-Hittite style. 832-810 B. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 8 - Portal lion from Zincirli, Aramaeanising Neo-Hittite style.
Reign of Sargon II (721-705). Istanbul.
The section of the Istanbul Archaeological Museum devoted to the Greek and Roman periods houses works of inestimable value. In the treasury on the second floor are kept gold, silver and ivory works of art from various periods. The two ivory figurines which are seen in the photographs in PI. 7 were discovered in the foundations of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus. The statuette of a priestess spinning wool, which dates from the end of the 7th century, depicts a young woman from Lydia. Perhaps she is one of the ladies who waited on the goddess Artemis, mentioned in Aristophanes’ play,
Fig. 9 - War chariot. Orthostat relief from Zincirll, Middle Neo-Hittite style. 832-810 B. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 10 - Orthostat relief depicting a weather god. Found at Zincirli, Middle Neo-Hittite style. 832-810 B. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 11 - Bust-shaped attachment from a cauldron found at Toprakkale near Van. Early Urartian style. 710-700 B. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 12-Gold sheet showing a griffin, found in the foundations of the Artemis Temple at Ephesus. Greco-Anatolian craftsmanship. Beginning of the 7th century B. C. Istanbul.
Fig. 13-Portal sphinx from Zincirli. Aramaeanising Hittite style. About 730-720 B. C. Istanbul.
“The Clouds”. Her hat, which is decorated with pearls or precious stones, must be of the mitra type that Sappho searched for, in vain, as a gift for her daughter. A similar kind of headgear was worn by King Warpalawas in the Late Hittite period (PI. 2). The rings hanging from the Lydian girl’s bracelets, the heavy necklace, the exotic face, the eyebrows emphasized with deep lines and the ornamental headgear, described above, all point to the influence of Syrian or Late Hittite ivory craftsmanship. On the other hand, the cylindrically shaped body, fashioned like that of a “xoanon” (primitive statue in wood), the way in which the girl is depicted at a definite moment, i.e. in the act of spinning, caught with a lively smile on her face, are indications that the artist who fashioned the statuette was trained in the Greek school of sculpture. The thickened figure, the heavy chaplet and the cowl-like head-covering of the other ivory statuette lead one to conclude that it portrays a castrated Lydian priest (PI. 7 b.). This fig¬urine does not smile with the lips only but also with the eyes. The lines of the face and body indicate an advance in carving technique. In fact, this work shows comparatively more Ionian influence than the statuette of the young girl, and must have been created at a later date. The statuette of the girl was carved at the end of the 7th century B. C., while that of the priest was fashioned at the beginning of the 6th century.
The statues exhibited in RoomsXI and XII, devoted to the archaic period, are rare and beautiful specimens of East Greek art. The fine archaic head (PI. 19), which has recently been identified as having originated on Samos, is particularly noteworthy. With its almond-shaped eyes, its enigmatic smile and the delineation of its soft features, this head is an outstandingly fine example of Ionian sculpture. The work shows the hair dressed in sections in front and at the sides, with a fringe covering the forehead. The Samos head is the best example of this type of Ionian hairstyle. The body to which the head belongs was found in a fragmentary condition on Samos a few years ago. This sophisticated work was created by a great sculptor about 550 B.C.
The Greco-Persian burial stelae found at Daskyleion a few years ago are most interesting works of art. Plate 20 shows the best preserved example, which is the tombstone relief of a transporter of goods. This sculp¬tured stele is executed in a style which arose from a combination of the Greek and Achaemenid art forms. For instance, the cart with its many- spoked wheels, the horses with their tails bound tightly in the middle, the crown worn by the seated woman and the top-boots worn by the men are all characteristic features of Achaemenid art. In sharp contrast, the form of the stele, its architectural profile, the tripod and the vessel on it depicted in the lower right-hand corner, the man and wife intimately sitting together, the lifelike attitudes and gestures, and the style in general are all typically Greek. This work dates from about 400 B. C.
The most important pieces of sculpture in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum are the monumental sarcophagi discovered in the Royal Cemetery at Sidon by the famous Turkish archaeologist, Osman Hamdi. These are the Satrap Sarcophagus, the Lycian Sarcophagus, the Sarcophagus of the
Mourning Women and the Alexander Sarcophagus. In the Satrap Sarcoph¬agus lay the body of an unknown king, who lived in the second half of the 5th century, when the city of Sidon was under Persian rule. Scenes from the life of the king are depicted on the tomb. In one scene, the king is discovered seated on his throne. On his head he wears a tiara of Persian style. He is dressed in along-sleeved chiton-like garment and long trousers (anaxyrides). The tomb is called the Satrap Sarcophagus because of the Persian garb of the main figure, who represents a satrap (a Persian governor) or a king. On the same side of the sarcophagus is depicted a chariot with four horses, which always stood ready at the satrap’s command. On the other short side of the sarcophagus, the king is seen on a panther hunt. On one of the long sides are depicted the satrap’s chief officers, armed with spears. The other short face shows the king at a banquet, accompanied by his wife. On this sarcophagus, the satrap’s robes, the hunting scene and the banquet scene are all eastern motifs. Following the custom of the time, the satrap is dressed like an Achaemenid ruler and, in the manner of such a sovereign, is seen going hunting and seated at a sumptuous table. These scenes which, from the point of view of theme and expression, exhibit eastern features, are wholly Greek with regard to style. The folds of the garments, the stance of the figures, the shape of the sarcophagus together with its architectural orna¬mentation, are all executed with an innate feeling for Greek classical art. The seated woman, the posture of the satrap on his mount and, on the rear face, the motif of the man being dragged along the ground, are remini¬scent of the Greek classical style which held sway during the second half of the 5th century B. C. Consequently, the Satrap Sarcophagus must have been carved at the end of the 5th century.
On one of the two longer sides of the Lycian tomb is depicted a wild boar hunt with the hunters on horseback (PI. 21 b). The other side shows Amazons in chariots hunting a lion (PI. 21 a). Fighting centaurs appear on the shorter sides. The pediment at one end of the sarcophagus contains paired sphinxes and that at the other end paired griffins. In contrast to the Satrap Sarcophagus, the Lycian Sarcophagus exhibits no eastern influences and, with regard to its interpretation and expression, bears the stamp of the Greek style. The mounted figures in the boar hunt scene strongly resemble the cavalry in the Parthenon friezes. The broad faces and stocky bodies of the figures are an indication that the sculptor was of Peloponnesian origin. The sculptor has also created magnificent compositions on both of the long faces. In particular, he has successfully achieved depth and the third dimen¬sion in his composition by placing the figures one behind the other so that they overlap. The general character of the scenes resembles mural art. The ogival lid of the sarcophagus, the two lion-shaped lugs for raising the lid, the attitude of the lion in the hunting scene and the selection of rather old-fashioned motifs in general such as griffins and sphinxes, indicate that this work conforms to the Lycian tradition. The artist, a skilled sculptor, has very successfully combined the traditional Anatolian Lycian style with an understanding of Peloponnesian art. judging by the definite classical in¬fluences it shows, it would be correct to date the Lycian Sarcophagus to the beginning of the 4th century B. C.
The Mourning Women Sarcophagus is one of the earliest examples of columned sarcophagi, and the finest representation of this type (PI. 22 a). Like the Nereid Monument and the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, this sarcophagus is a work in the style of the Ionic temples. However, in one re¬spect, it is unlike the two works mentioned in that it does not possess a high base but rests on a low pedestal, the profile of which is shaped on the Lesbian cyma pattern. A frieze depicting many figures runs around a Lesbian cymatium (cyma reversa). Half-columns rise on Attic bases. The upper struc¬ture, as in the case of the Mausoleum and the Priene temple, is composed of an architrave with three fasciae, and above this, a row of dentils. On the attic crowning the sarcophagus is depicted a funeral cortege. The wagons here are of the same type as the transport carriages seen on the Dasky- leion reliefs of Greco-Persian style (PI. 20). On the pediments are hired wailing mourners. The spaces between the half-columns are closed in with a balustrade, on which can be seen the figures of eighteen wailing women, leaning or sitting. These eighteen women are mourning the person who was buried in the casket. It can be assumed that this sarcophagus is a memorial to Straton I, King of Sidon, who died in 360 B. C. It is recorded that Straton was of a flirtatious disposition, and led a dissolute life with the hetaerae he had brought from the Peloponnese. It is surmised that the women depicted on the tomb as mourning the king were members of his harem. From the standpoint of style and in regard to form and interpretation, the Mourning Women Sarcophagus is a work of the classical Greek period. The only traces of Achaemenid and Phoenician influence appear in the long chitons worn by the attendants, and in the chariots depicted on the attic. The posture and clothing of the mourning women point to a close relation¬ship with Attic tomb reliefs, which have been dated to about the middle of the 4th century B. C. In view of this, the sarcophagus must have been made about 350 B. C.
Besides being one of the most famous of archaeological discoveries, the Alexander Sarcophagus is also one of the most important creations of anti¬quity to come to light. In addition, it is one of the best preserved speci¬mens of Greek art, and, in regard to its vivid polychromy, it is unique. The sarcophagus has been fashioned in the form and style of a building of the Ionic order. The decorative motifs and the architectural ornament¬ation of the sarcophagus and its cover have been wrought with extreme care and precision. One of the long sides depicts a battle between the Per-sians and the Greeks, in which Alexander took part (Pis. 23). It is possible to distinguish the Persians by the tiaras on their heads and their long trou¬sers. Alexander is in the act of hurling a spear, raised in his right hand, at a Persian. The Persian, whose horse has fallen to its knees, is threatening Alexan¬der with a weapon held in his right hand. Alexander can be recognized by the head of a lion’s pelt, the symbol of Heracles, which he wears on his own head. On the right, a Persian and a Greek are engaged in foot combat Further to the right, another Persian is about to shoot an arrow at Alex¬ander. Next to this figure is seen a mounted Greek attacking a Persian,.who is begging him for mercy. A little further on, a disarmed and naked Greek is throwing himself at the bridle reins of a Persian’s rearing horse. In front of this, a kneeling Persian is aiming an arrow at a rider galloping from the right towards the left. Following this comes another group in which one Persian is attempting to save another Persian who is in danger of falling off his horse. The bodies of a naked Greek and, four Persians lie along the entire length of the scene. This vivid scene is framed by the two flanking figures of Alexander on the left and the mounted Macedonian comman¬der, on the right, both of whom dominate the diverse action at their sides.
The subject of the reliefs on the rear side is a lion hunt (PI. 22 b). Per¬sians can be seen intermingled with the Greeks participating in the hunt. In the centre of the scene, we observe a rider whose horse is being attacked by a lion. This person, wearing a tiara on his head and long trousers, is dressed like a Persian. Five people, three of them on foot, are hurrying from both sides to the aid of the horse placed in this dangerous position. The nearest is a Persian, who is on the point of bringing down his raised axe upon the lion. Two of those on horseback, one on the right, the other on the left, with spears grasped in their hands, are coming to help. The Per¬sian dominating the scene on the left, who is in the act of shooting an arrow, and a naked young Greek, who has a cloak thrown over his arm and who is just in front of the Persian, are rushing to the scene of the event. Three dogs are also included in the scene; one of these is biting one of the lion’s hind legs, and the other two are attempting to arrive on the scene with all speed. To the right of the lion hunt a deer hunt is going on. Here a Greek and a Persian are engaged in killing a deer, the former with a spear and the latter with an axe. The central mounted figure has been identified as the Phoenician King Abdalonymos. The fact that he is in the attire of a Persian is in accordance with the custom of the time. After the Battle of Issus (333 B.C.), Abdalonymos was put “on the throne of his fathers” by Hephaistion at the command of Alexander the Great. It is recorded that Abdalonymos once presented Alexander with a very fine perfume. In the light of this knowledge, it is understandable that Abdalonymos’ sarcophagus should be decorated with scenes depicting Alexander the Great. Indeed, we need have no doubt that the figure on horseback behind Abdalonymos represents Alexander himself. The fact that the head (PI. 22 b) does not sufficiently resemble Alexander is of ,little importance, when we consider that the head (PI. 23) of the figure depicted on the front face of the tomb does not look like Alex-ander either. In the latter case, if the head of the mounted figure had not been covered with the head of a lion pelt, it would have been difficult to establish the connection with Alexander by means of the physiognomy alone. The figure in the aforementioned hunting scene is wearing a king’s headband and the posture of attack is extremely similar to that of Alexan¬der, as depicted in the mosaic representing the Battle of Issus in the museum at Naples. In any case, many other portrayals of Alexander, like these two, are, in general, idealized representations. The short sides of the sarcopha¬gus give concise versions of the battle and hunting scenes appearing on the long sides (PI. 22 b). The Alexander Sarcophagus is made of Attic Pentelic marble. The reliefs also definitly show Attic influence. Never¬theless, from the point of view of the battle scene, these reliefs are reminis¬
cent of the friezes carved on the tomb of Mausoius. Whatever is the case, it will be no easy task to discover the identity of the artist responsible for the Alexander Sarcophagus. Originally, he cannot have been a very famous sculptor. A creation that, on completion, would go into an underground burial vault and never more see the light of day would not be expected to be the work of a renowned sculptor. In spite of this, the creator of the Alexander tomb was one of the greatest sculptors of his time; the skill and precision of his marble carving are a source of wonder. This man was not in the avant-garde of artistic trends but a master sculptor who worked in the traditional academic style; the proportions of his figures show restraint and their action is harmonious. The composition, showing an inner feeling for free symmetry, is attractively and successfully realized. The life¬like portrayal of figures in action is accentuated by the lavish use of colour. Violet, purple, red, burnt sienna, yellow and blue have all been employed. Hair, eyes, eyelashes, lips and clothing are all painted. In contrast, the bare flesh is uncoloured and only polished with a light lacquer. The Alexander Sarcophagus, with its beautifully preserved colours, is one of the most informative examples of Hellenic sculpture, because polychromy was used extensively by Greek artists. The painting of statues reached an especially high level of skill during the second half of the 4th century B. C. Ancient writers of the period praised the shining effect achieved by the use of paint on the eyes of the statues. A close look at the figures on the Alexander tomb certainly reveals a lifelike brilliance and sparkle. As Abdalonymos was buried in the Alexander Sarcophagus, and as he founded his monarchy during the last third of the 4th century, the sarcophagus must have been made, at the latest, by the end of that century.
The Istanbul Museum possesses the best preserved and finest likeness of Alexander the Great (Room XV). This magnificent head, which, attached to the body, stood as a complete statue in a house overlooking the lower agora at Pergamon (PI. 25), is a typical example of portrayals of Alexander the Great, with the hair flowing down on either side of the forehead like a lion’s mane and in the manner in which the head is inclined towards the left, as described by ancient writers. This work, with its open mouth, the pathetic look in the eyes, the deeply lined forehead and the bouf¬fant hair style, is a typical example of the art of marble carving in Pergamon during the reign of Eumenes II (197- 159 B.C.) The modelling and general appearance of the head give the impression that the Pergamene sculptor used the Lysippos portraits of Alexander as models.
Another work of the same century, a full-length, idealized statue of Alex¬ander the Great, stands in the same room of the museum (PI. 24). The sta¬tue was found at Magnesia ad Sipylum. The inscription found at the place where the statue was discovered states : “Menas of Pergamon, son of Aias, made (it)”. From this, we can conclude that this statue of Alexander is of Pergamene origin. Menas has depicted Alexander the Great in the form of the god Apollo. A row of holes encircling the head reveals that the god was probably crowned with a laurel wreath in metal. The calm expres¬sion on the face and the restrained look of pathos in the eyes are sure indi-cations that the statue was meant to represent a god. Moreover, the upper part of the body is bare, in accordance with the custom prevailing in por¬trayals of the gods in the Hellenistic period. A statue of Zeus, or of Attalos II (159- 138 B. C.) idealized as Zeus, which was discovered in the temple of Hera at Pergamon and is now housed in the Aphrodisias Room (No. XVII) of the Istanbul Museum (Inv. No. 2767), is similarly attired. The statue of Poseidon originally from Melos but now in the National Museum in Athens is garbed more or less in the same fashion. We can understand that Menas’ statue is of Alexander only by the fact that the left hand grasps the hilt of a dagger. For comparison, Alexander appears in a cameo in the Leningrad Museum, holding a dagger in his left hand. From what remains of a statuette of Alex¬ander found at Priene, and now kept in Berlin, it is also apparent that a dagger was held in the left hand.
Menas’ statue was leaning on a spear, just like the aforementioned statue of Poseidon in the museum in Athens. It is a fine, valuable work of art, a creation of the middle years of the 2nd century B. C., as is the statue of Poseidon and that of Zeus or Attalos II found in the temple of Hera at Pergamon.
Another of the masterpieces in the Istanbul Museum is the famous Ephebe statue (Room XV, No. 542), which was found at Tralleis, present-day Aydin (Pis. 26 - 28). The statue represents a young athlete leaning for a while against one of the target posts, to recover from the exertions of his athletic training. The “cauliflower” ears, swollen and with the tops flattened like those of a wrestler, show that the athlete has been wrestling from a very early age. Since each wrestler always tries to seize the other’s head at ear level during bouts, the ears in time become swollen in appearance like those of the ephebe. Every ancient Greek athlete participated in all forms of sport, and, of these, wrestling in particular was never neglected. The artist has wrapped the cloak around the body in a very attractive manner. The body is hidden beneath thick material and is only suggested by the outline of the left arm bent over the chest and the right arm hanging straight down under the cloak. The impressions left in the surface of the marble by the roots of small plants have given the statue a very charming appearance (PI.27).In general, the Ephebe statue shows influences of the Polykleitos School. The carriage of the head resembles that of the Westmacott Ephebe in the British Museum, and the hairstyle is reminiscent of copies of the Doryphoros of the Augustan age. Indeed, the arrangement of the hair over the forehead is in accordance with the hair style of the Augustan period. Consequently, this work is understood to have been produced at the beginning of the first century A. D. By means of the original pose and the leaning attitude given to the body, the artist has succeeded in portraying, with great skill,an ephebe resting after strenuous exercise. The charming forward tilt of the head, the childlike expression on the face with its large eyes, characteristic of Mediterranean people, and the relaxed and flowing lines of the body are all in perfect harmony (Pis. 26-28). The sculptor of Tralleis has created a work of art which will appeal to people in all ages.
CYZICUS, DASKYLEION
This city, founded by the people of Miletos, is one of the oldest Ionian establishments in the Propontic region. Judging by fragments of late geo¬metric sherds, which constitute the earliest archaeological finds resulting from excavations carried out by the present author at Cyzicus, the city was founded during the first quarter of the 7th century B. C. Cyzicus was a very important artistic centre throughout the Greek and Roman historical peri¬ods. The torso of a man and a relief showing a young woman dancing be¬tween two youths, which are housed in the room devoted to the archaic period in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum, were discovered at Cyzicus. Many other works of art from Cyzicus and the neighbourhood are to be found in the same museum. Other artistic treasures unearthed at Cyzicus and in the surrounding area are collected together in the Erdek Open-Air Museum. The ruins of Cyzicus do not greatly attract the interest of those who are not archaeologists. Moreover, since the area is thickly wooded, many of the re¬mains lying on the ground are hidden from view. All that exists today of the temple of Hadrian, which stood in the south-western district of the city, is the subterranean vaulting supporting the platform. The temple was dedicated to the Emperor Hadrian, who was proclaimed the thirteenth Olympian god; in the late Roman era it was accepted as one of the seven wonders of the world. In 1431, Cyriacus of Ancona saw the whole of the upper part of the building with 33 columns intact and produced engravings in proof of his account. With the help of these pictures presented by Cyriacus, it has been possible to identify a beautiful piece of one of the temple columns (PI. 29), which is now in the Erdek Open-Air Museum. The author of this book has identified ruins in the region of Ergili on the south¬eastern shores of Lake Manyas as Daskyleion, the garrison town of the Per¬sian governor Pharnabazos. Bullae unearthed during the excavations at Daskyleion which bear Aramaic inscriptions are housed • in the Archae¬ological Institute of Ankara University. Reliefs which have either been discov¬ered during excavations in the same area, or which have been found by chance, are in the Istanbul Museum (PI. 20). The ruins remaining in situ would be of interest only to archaeologists or to those engaged in histo¬rical research. Later on.Tomris Bakir Akbasoglu conducted excavations here too. At the current times the work is continuing under Kaan Iren.
TROY
The discovery and excavation of the Trojan citadel can be considered one of the most important events in archaeological field research. Troy was excavated by Schliemann, Dorpfeld and Blegen. Schliemann was obsessed with the idea of discovering the citadel of Priam and the scene of Homer’s epic. In 1870 he made the first spade thrust. Ten metres down, Schliemann’s notorious great North-South Trench revealed a burnt layer belonging to the second building period, which convinced him that he had discovered traces of the Trojan war. Thus he assumed that the golden works of art which he found in that layer were Priam’s treasure. The excavation of Troy took a fortunate turn in 1882, after Schliemann gained the collabo¬ration of his colleague, Wilhelm Dorpfeld, who had been in the Olympia
excavation team and had acquired much valuable experience there. Dörpfeld distinguished nine different layers of civilization. This division was confirmed and further elaborated by the American archaeologists who carried out new excavations at Troy under Carl W.Biegen, from 1932 to 1938. Through detailled observation, they were able to subdivide Dörpfeld’s nine layers into no fewer than thirty habitation levels. Professor Manfred Korfmann from the university of Tübingen was conducting work at Troy between 1987-2005 which was financed by Mercedes Benz.The work at Troy between 2005-2012 was conduc¬ted by Ernst Pernicka and Peter Jablonka of Tübingen University.
Troy I (3000-2500 B. C.). This initial settlement, which consisted of ten strata, lying one on top of the other, occupied an extremely small area. At the Ij habitation level, that is, at the time when Troy I was at the height of its development, the diameter of the city was only 90 metres. On the plan published in this book are shown the ruins in their restored condition, based on the various points determined by the German and American expeditions (Fig. 14).
The wall of Troy I (in squares EF - 5/6 on the plan) is still in a very good state of preservation today. The city gate was 2.97 metres wide and was defended by two towers. Of the two, the one on the east has been found in a very good state of preservation, now that the overlying soil has been re¬moved. Its present height is 3.50 metres. The base of the tower was com¬posed of fairly large stones. At the top of the tower, these became smaller and distinctly narrower, and resembled sun-dried bricks or tiles. The Ameri¬can excavators record that this wall, which has a strong batter on its outer face (a receding slope), had been surmounted by a parapet made of sundried brick. Any attack by an enemy trying to force the long cor¬ridor-like entrance would be parried from the flanking towers. The Ameri¬can expedition has confirmed the extent of the wall for a distance of 115 metres by opening up wells and tunnels (Fig. 14).
House No. 102, which lies between squares CD-2/3 on the plan, and was excavated by the American archaeological expedition, constitutes the finest remains belonging to the Troy I level (Fig. 14). This building was erected during the lb phase at Troy. The building with a round end, which is seen beneath this house, belongs to the Troy la phase. The walls of house No. 102 measure 18.75 X 7.00 metres, from the exterior; they are constructed ih the herring-bone style. Two fire-places existed in the big room: one in the centre of the room, the other near the east wall. Some portions of the first still remain, but nothing is left of the second. The same room also possessed two benches which could have been used as beds or divans. The one which was placed against the north and east walls, and of which no trace now remains, was 2.00 metres in length, 0.90 metres in width and 0.30 metres in height. On the other hand, that near the north-west corner and still in place is 2.35 metres long, 1.70 metres wide and 0.50 metres high. It was occupied by a double-bed. The “bothros” which was unearthed during excavations, but which does not exist today, was a pit used for setting bread dough to rise. The small platform behind this, which lay against the wall, served as a table for odds and ends, but it too is no longer in existence. The bones of various animals and remains of shell¬fish found in this corner prove that food was cooked and eaten here. Beneath
the paving of the big room, two graves for infants were discovered : one close to the south wall, the other near the east wall. All the six skeletons found have proved to be of new-born babies, or at most, of one or two week - old children. The high death - rate of children during birth at this time is remarkable.
It was necessary to leave long, narrow apertures for light and venti¬lation in the upper parts of the walls near the roof, which was a flat structure made of wood and sun-baked brick. House No. 102, being a long, narrow, isolated building, with one front room and a fire-place in the middle of the big room, was a typical megaron and is one of the oldest examples known at the present time. To the south of House No. 102, five more parallel walls are visible (Fig. 14). Although no definite plan can be drawn, it may be said that these are the remains of megaron-type dwellings. The south wall of the building, occurring in square 4 D, is constructed in the herring-bone style.
Troy I is a settlement of the Early Bronze Age civilization. Pottery was made by hand. Trojan vessels decorated with portrayals of human faces appear for the first time in this settlement. From the standpoint of culture, Troy I is related to the neighbouring Aegean area. The settlement came to an end as the result of a serious conflagration.
Troy II (2500 -2200 B. C.). The II a-g phases of this settlement, composed of seven building strata, played an important role in the history of Troy, despite the fact that it did not exceed a diameter of I 10 metres in 2200 B. C. Although Troy I was destroyed catastrophically, there is no break in the time sequence or any change in culture between the two settlements. On the contrary, the culture of Troy I continued to develop in Troy II.
The second settlement gives evidence of a particularly great advance in the sphere of town-planning, judging by the megarons and the orderly arrangement of the propylons in the II c-g phases, Troy II was the first city in the western world to show signs of a definite planning system (Fig. 15). Troy II, from the standpoint of the originality of its orderly town plan and the success with which it was realized, compares favourably with any of the contemporary towns of the Near East. The specific method of placing megarons side by side to present a continuous front, and of arranging the entrance to this building complex through megaron-like propylons, was faithfully followed seven to eight hundred years later on the acropolis at Tiryns in Greece. The system of passing through another and bigger pro¬pylon before entering a building complex made up of serried megarons (Fig. 15) survived also at Tiryns. The acropolis at Athens provides another example of the same type of city planning.
As was the case with Troy I, the main gate of Troy II was in the centre of the south wall (FN). In the 2nd city, however, there were other gateways as well as this. Of these, the remains of the south-west gate (FM, square 6 C) and, in particular, its well-paved ramp, measuring 21 metres in length and 7.5 metres in width, are in a good state of preservation (Fig. 15). The stone portion of the wall, which can still be seen today, has a strong batter, i.e. it slopes inwards towards the top. Above this, a perpendicu¬lar section made of sun-dried brick used to extend upwards.
RESTORED PLAN
ADAPTED FROM W.DÔRPFELD and
UC. EXCAVATIONS
Fig. 14- Troy I (3000-2500 B. C.) possessed a fortification wall which is greatly restored on the plan (shown in black); however, the east tower of the city gate (squares E-F 5-6) with a sloping outer face is still in a very good state of preservation. House No. i02, a long, narrow isolated building consisting of a portico (front entrance) and a big room with a fireplace in the middle, is one of the earliest megarons known at the present day. The walls are constructed in the herring-bone style. Five more parallel walls lie to the south, one of which also has herring-bone masonry. Troy II (2500-2200), composed of seven strata lying one on top of the other, is characterised by three principal periods (lia, lib, II c-g), each possessing a new fortification wall (differently drawn on the plan). From Troy lia remain two gateways marked FL and FN, each having the form of a fairly long uncovered corridor. These city gates were adjusted to the new wall of Troy I lb and continued to be used. The gateways FM (squares C 5-6) and FO (squares F-G 6-7) were the main entrances (see also Fig. 15). Very little remains of the megarons built side by side on the summit of the city mound. The greater part of the big megaron (marked 11 A) was destroyed by Schliemann’s North-South Trench; only a small part of this building has been preserved; a portion lies buried beneath the pinnacle of earth left after the German excavations. The ruins of Troy lll-V (2200-1800 8. C.) are not shown on the plan. Buildings dating from Troy III are to be seen to the north-west of the ramp in square C 5. Remains
of primitive houses of Troy IV have been discovered to the east of house VI A (square B 6). The small wall in the square 5 A dates from Troy V. For Troy
VI see the caption of Fig. IS. Troy Vila and Vllbl,2 are not shown on the plan. The well-preserved houses of Troy VSSa (1300-1260 B. C.) can be seen between gateways VIT and VIS behind the city wall. Buildings of Troy VIIb 1 lie in squares E-F 8-9. A house and some walls dating from Vllb2 are situated in squares A 7 and J-K 5. Remains of Troy VS 11 (Greek period) are encountered in squares A-B 7-8. The wall in rustica style lying immediately in front of the city wall of Troy VI and parallel to it dates, together with the altar in the centre of this precinct, from Hellenistic times. Another altar situated to the west and constructed of marble is Augustan in date. Two further altars lie to the south (in squares A 8-9); they were also erected in the Hellenistic period. The Athena Temple (squares G-H 3-4), erected in the Hellenistic age and greatly renovated in Roman times, has been completely dug up. Its place is now marked by a deep hole. Troy ¡X (Roman period): the propylon IX D in square G7, the entrance to the temple of Athena, was built in the Augustan age. The wall which partly overlies the south-eastern section of City Wall VI in square K-L 4-8 was also constructed in the Roman period. The Bouleuterion (Theatre B), half of which was built over the city wall to the east of the main entrance to Troy VI (VI T), and also the theatre C (squares E-F 9-10) of which the auditorium lies over the city wall, both date back to Roman times.
The paved ramp (Fig. 15) led up to the propylon FM. The entrance to the propylon measured 5.25 metres and possessed a door with two swing¬ing flaps. This propylon (FM), built on the plan of a megaron, belonged to the Troy II c-g phases, i.e. the last period of the settlement. A little behind this rampart can be seen the remains of city walls, corresponding to the Troy II b phase in front, and to the Troy II a phase in the rear (i.e., the north). The northernmost ruins of a wall (shown in black on the plan Fig. 14), which lie more or less on the axis of the FM propylon, belong to Troy I. The gate FN in square E7 was the main entrance to Troy lla. The large propy¬lon (marked FO) was the main entrance to the city during the last phase of Troy II i.e. during its most splendid days (Fig. 15). This construction, like the FM propylon, was built on the plan of a megaron, open on the two narrow sides. The magnificent entrance led into an inner open square (Fig. 15) which was constructed in the period corresponding to the Troy II c-g phases (i.e. ca : 2200 - 2100 B. C.). This was made into a courtyard by lev¬elling the top of the city walls of phases II a-b and putting down a pavement of pebbles. In order to enter the royal palace, it was necessary to pass through a small propylon, which was again constructed on a megaron plan. Judged by the width of the stone threshold block which lies on the ground, this propylon measured 1.82 metres across. A cobbled courtyard also lay between the II c phase propylon and the large megaron, and this had two walls 2.00 metres thick on its south and west sides; a stone base found in situ in the south corner discloses the fact that the structure was colonnaded (Fig. 15). People emerging from the megaron were therefore confronted by a fine piece of architectural decoration. On hot days when the sun blazed
Fig. IS- Troy Late II (see Fig. 14) and Troy Late VI.
Troy Late VI. The city wall and the houses of VI f-h shown on the plan and representing the most brilliant period of this settlement (about 1425 to 1300 B. C.) are in a very good state of preservation. The most impressive remains of the city of llion are the fortifications of Troy VI f-h, which were built piecemeal during this golden age. Section I consists of a splendid watch-tower; in the centre of it is a cistern, enclosing a well, for use during time of siege. Section 2 of the wall is largely hidden by a massive Roman wall; it overlaps the end of sections I and 3. In this way, an original type of city gate was formed at each end (VI R and VI S). The defenders were able to attack the enemy with cross-fire from the tops of the parallel walls forming the entrance. The walls (PI. I) have sloping outer faces; they are vertically divided with offsets jutting out 10 to 15 cm. and occurring every ten metres. Section 3 of the wall has the same character; Tower VI i, like Tower VI h, was constructed in the Troy VIh phase. The main gate to the acropolis was the entrance in the south marked VIT. The “Anta House”, of which only a single stone is preserved at present, lay on the right-hand side as one entered the city gate; it was probably a sanctuary in which burnt sacrifices were frequently offered, perhaps in connection with ceremonial arrivals and departures. The four monoliths resembling menhirs and standing in a row at the foot of the south wall of Tower VI i may also indicate that worship
of some kind was practised in this area. Section 4, divided by thirteen vertical offsets, has the same beautiful masonry as the other parts of the city wall. The gateway VI U was blocked up in the later phases of Troy VI. Section 5 belongs to an earlier phase of the sixth settlement; it shows an entirely different technique of masonry. Section 6, preserved only in parts, exhibits excellent workmanship; therefore, it also dates from the brilliant period of the sixth settle¬ment (Troy VI f-h). The Pillar House, built during the VI f period, is the largest house on the acropolis. The two pillars, only one of which is in place, indicate that the house was two-storeyed. House No. 630 dates back to the Troy VIb phase (ca. 1700 B. C.j. The houses VI G, VI F, VI E and VI C are of the same type and date from the same period (Troy VI f-h). VI F and VI C were two-storeyed. The building VI M, constructed during the Vlg phase, with its 27 metre-long south wall divided into five segments by four vertical offsets displays an attrac¬tive silhouette, like a miniature fortress. For further explanation see the text.
down on the megaron, this provided a shady place in. which to get cool. Mention has been made above of the orderly plan on which the acropolis of Troy II is based. All the buildings certainly conform to a well thought-out plan. In particular, the siting of the big megaron (IIA) on the summit of a hill, commanding the surrounding area, was highly effective. This house, with its 1.5 metre-thick walls, must have been a tall building, rising in the middle of the citadel as a mass attracting all attention. Although the greater part of the megaron was destroyed by Schliemann’s north-south trench, it has been possible, by means of the present ruins, to establish approximately the plan of the construction. As will be seen from the plan (Fig. 15), only a part of this building has been discovered, and a portion of the east wall lies buried beneath the pinnacle of earth left after the German excavations. The width of the building, including the walls, is 13 metres; the length is not certain, but it must have been at least 35 to 40 metres. The interior measurements of the main room were 20 X 10.20 metres; in the middle of this room, Dorpfeld discovered the ruins of a platform which was 4 metres in diameter. From this it can be deduced that a hearth existed here in the centre of the room just as in all typical megaron structures. Places intended for seats and the marks of throne-like furniture have not been un¬covered as such. Without doubt, various benches, tables and seats must have existed in this splendid building, which was used for a long time by the kings of the period comprising phases II c-g. The remains of two other megarons of the same type but comparatively smaller are evident on both sides of Megaron II A. The one (IIB) on the west was destroyed by Schliemann’s north-south trench, but can be taken to be the twin of the well-preserved megaron on the eastern side (ME). Both these megarons are thought to have been sitting or sleeping quarters for the royal family. Megarons II H, II R and
II F, identified by Dorpfeld, must also have been reserved for the king and his family. The building II D (Fig. 15) was composed of a number of small rooms. Very probably this was a garrison or depot.
The level of culture in Troy II was high. This fact has been sufficiently elaborated in the first part of this book. Mention has also been made there
of the treasure found by Schliemann. The American archaeologists have definitely established that the treasure which Schliemann unearthed belongs to Troy II g. Many other very valuable gold and silver works of art, like the aforementioned treasure, that have been brought to light as a result of exca¬vation, reveal that Troy II g suddenly succumbed to attack. The layer of de¬struction which marks the end of Troy II g is on an average one metre thick and bears the marks of a raging fire. This was caused by an external enemy, very probably an arm of the hordes of Indo-European invaders. However, this enemy did not occupy Troy, since no evidence has been found of a change in culture during the subsequent settlements III, IV and V. We shall observe the arrival of a new people in Troy when we come to examine the Vlth settlement in detail.
Troy Ili-V (2200-1800). In the first part of this book, mention was made of the connection that can be recognized between the disaster which destroyed Troy II at the end of the third millennium and the huge wave of Indo-European immigration. During this era (i.e., the period of Troy III, IV and V), which doubtless continued for a very long time, we notice the gra¬dual fading of the former glory of Troy, and its decline in prosperity. We find the ruins of buildings dating from Troy III to the north-west of the ramp in C5. These were houses constructed of small, irregular stones. Excavations carried out by the Germans have proved that, during Troy IV, there was not even a fortifying wall. The remains of primitive buildings of this period have been discovered to the east of the house marked VIA (square B6). In the time of Troy V, the settlement is understood to have been encircled by an inferior kind of fortifying wall. The small wall in square 5A is of this period.
Troy VI (1800- 1275). The Vlth settlement is composed of eight strata and exhibits three main periods. The most splendid advances occurred during the Troy VI f-h periods. The houses and the city wall which were erected during this era, bear witness to a high standard of craftsmanship and good taste.
A close study of the city wall, which is still standing, reveals that it con¬sisted of six sections, linked by five gateways (Fig. 15). The American archae¬ological team, benefiting also from Dorpfeld’s earlier observations, has established the fact that, with the exception of Section 5 (Fig. 15), which was left in its former state and underwent no renovations, the city wall was rebuilt piecemeal during the VI f-g phases, from ca. 1425 to 1300 B. C., in place of a wall that previously existed. One of the best preserved and most impres¬sive parts of the wall is Section I in square K 3-4 (Fig. 15). This section, which consists of a splendid tower, is 18 m. long and 8 m. wide. The height, accor¬ding to calculations made by Dorpfeld, was 9 metres; the workmanship displayed in this bastion, referred to as Vlg, is very fine. The interesting shape of this building, in particular the sharply angled corner, make it a very attract¬ive structure. In the centre of the tower is a cistern which encloses a well, eight metres deep, carved out of the rock. This source of water was used during time of siege. On account of the great height of the bastion
Vlg, it commanded the whoie plain as well as the acropolis. Consequently, it is certain that it functioned as a look-out tower.
Section 2 of the wall (Fig. 15) was handsomely built and slopes in towards the top. It is 41.5 metres long, over 4.5 metres thick and today exceeds 4 metres in height. The wall is divided into five parts by four perpendicular offsets, with a slight angle between the divisions, for the offsets jut out from 10 to 15 centimetres. Unfortunately, this fine wall section is largely hidden by a massive Roman wall, which prevents it from being easily seen. It will be noticed that the north end of Section 2 is overlapped on its eastern side for about four metres by Section I, whereas its southern end overlaps the northern end of Section 3 for five metres on the east. In this way, an ori¬ginal type of gateway was formed at each end (VI R and VI S on the plan in Fig. 15). From the point of view of defence, the gate marked VI S was especially practical. The defenders were able to ward off an attacking force from the two walls above this entrance, which was two metres wide and five metres long.
Section 3, which stretches for ninety metres, has been partially oblit¬erated in the south by the erection over it of the Roman bouleuterion (Theatre B), and by Schliemann’s north-east trench (Fig. 15). On the other hand, the eastern part is in a very good state of preservation (PI. I a, b). Although the tower VI h, added during the very last phase of Troy VI, has been largely destroyed, it is still of impressive beauty (PI. I a). This stretch of the wall is also divided into offsets. The main gateway, which was used during the final phase of Troy VI, lies in the gap between Sections 3 and 4. It has been noticed that the main gate to the acropolis has always been in the south, ever since the founding of Troy I (Fig. 14). Tower Vli, like Tower VI h, was built here in the Troy Vlh phase, i.e. during the most glorious days of this settlement. In the earlier phases, the main gateway was defended by the tower Vlk.
Section 4 of the wall is 121 metres long, and thirteen vertical offsets divide it into fourteen straight segments. The masonry of this section of the wall has, as in the other sections, been uniformly and excellently laid. The gateway VI U, formed by the ends of Sections 4 and 5, was later blocked up. It has already been stated that Section 5 was left in its original condition during the renovations of the phases VI f-h. This part of the wall is built of small stones and exhibits an entirely different building technique. More¬over, it is only half as thick as the other sections, and it was not founded on bed-rock, as were the others. Only the lower portions of Section 6 have been discovered; the upper parts were plundered for building stone during Hellenistic and Roman times. An examination of the present-day remains shows that the wall in this section was built in an especially beautiful and orderly fashion.
Without doubt, the wall surrounding Troy VI was small. Nevertheless, the original way it was planned, with offsets occurring every ten metres and with sloping outer faces, makes the city wall of Troy VI one of the finest and most interesting fortifications of its time in the whole ancient world.
The palaces and other important buildings of the Troy VI settlement evidently rose up on the summit of the hill, i.e. in the area occupying squares 4-7 B - K. However, the buildings of the acropolis of Troy VI at this spot were demolished when the temple of Athena was built, together with its stoas, in the Hellenistic age and when the ground was levelled during the enlargement of the temple and stoas during Roman times (Fig. 14). The parts which escaped these operations later fell victim to Schliemann’s tren¬ches. Nevertheless, the buildings which were identified by Dorpfeld and those which he excavated, together with those which have been brought to light by Blegen and his colleagues, are of exceptional value. Surprisingly enough, even in this state, the acropolis of Troy VI is among the best preser¬ved of its contemporaries. In particular, the buildings on the lower terrace have survived to this day in quite good condition.
If, after entering the southern gate (VIT) of the acropolis, one follows the main road which goes slightly uphill, one comes to the largest building of this period a little further on to the left. This is known as the “Pillar House” (Fig. 15); it is slightly trapezoidal in shape and is 26 metres long and
12 metres wide. It had an entrance hall on the east, a large room in the centre and three small rooms at the back. One of the pillars, which shared the support of the roof with the walls and which may also have held up the second floor, is in good repair, but only one small remnant of the other has come to light. Since the south wall of the building was a retaining wall, it was thicker than the others. Food was cooked in an area at the west end of the house. The three rooms on that side were probably used as larders. The doorway of the house was in the north wall of the large room; if the plan conforms at all to that of a megaron, the fact that the entrance occurs in the long side and not in the narrow end indicates that it is not a typical one. The house was built during the Troy VI f phase. To the north-east of this dwelling is House No. 630, which has a very original plan (Fig. 15). The American expedition that unearthed this house has proved that it was erected in the Troy VI b phase, i.e. about 1700 B. C. This house certainly dif¬fers greatly from the other houses in that it possesses thin walls made of small stones, besides being built on a different plan. The southern part of House VI G, which is 20.90 metres long and 9.40 metres wide, has been destroyed by Schliemann’s north-east trench; in spite of this, the plan is more or less definite. The American archaeological expedition discovered the original floor and, lying on it, a smail stone base. A second block of about the same size, which can still be seen lying in Schliemann’s trench, seems certainly to have belonged with the first. From this, we can deduce that the wide roof of the house was supported by two wooden pillars. The door was on the south side of the large room (Fig. 15). Steps must have led up to it from the outside and down from it on the inside, because the existing doorway is rather higher than street-level, whereas the floor of the room is even lower than the stone threshold. It is likely that, when the door was first constructed, it was on the narrow western side of this megaron-type dwelling; the alteration was probably made during the Troy VII period. Indeed, the large number of “pithoi” found in the house are of the Troy
VII era, as confirmed by the American archaeological expedition, which also judged the house to have been built during the Vlg phase.
Just to the north of House VIG, we come upon House VIF (Fig. 15). The structure of the masonry differs from that of the other houses. The four walls are all of different thicknesses, the south face being fashioned of large stones in the Cyclopean style. It also is built on a trapezoidal plan, with the east wall 15.87 metres long and the west wall 14.70 metres long. The narrow faces measure 12.50 metres in length. Two vertical offsets divide the face of the eastern foundation wall into three sections; this Part of the house exhibits a most monumental structure. The house was proved to have been built in the Vie phase and renovated in the Vlg phase. Twelve stone bases which were discovered within this one-roomed dwelling are still in situ; these are arranged in rows of five, the remaining two being in the centre of the room between the two side rows. Evidently, so many columns were not required to roof over a room only 8 metres in width; in any case, such a number of columns has never been found in any of the other constructions. Consequently, we can conclude that the roof of the first construction was supported by two columns which rested on the central stone bases, and that the side columns became necessary when an upper floor was added in the Vlg phase. As has been confirmed by the American expe-dition, the doorway on the south side was blocked up during this period, and it can be assumed that the large stone block which lies close by was part of the wooden staircase leading to the upper storey. Following this alteration, entrance was gained to the house through the door in the west wall. A fire-place can be seen in the south-west corner; the lower part of an earthenware jar, which was partly buried in the stone floor here, pro¬bably served as a kind of grate.
Immediately adjoining the house described above on the north is House VIE. This slightly trapezoidal building has an east wall measuring 13.35 me¬tres, whereas the west wall is 12.80 metres long. The walls on the narrow faces average 10.10 metres in length. The house is almost completely in ruins and, as a result, even the floor is missing. In sharp contrast to the general condition, the eastern retaining wall is well-preserved, and is a fine example of the style of masonry which was in fashion in Troy VI.
The plan of House VIC is fairly clear, although the central part of the house itself was destroyed by the intrusion of Schliemann’s south-east trench. Its exterior measurements are 20.07 X 10.90 metres. The internal measure¬ments of the main room are 15.50 X 8.40 metres. A stone base can be seen in the north-west corner of the room; basing their assumption on its discovery, first Dorpfeld and then Blegen came to the conclusion that the roof was supported by three columns situated along the longer axis of the room.
Of all the ruins of Troy VI which have been discovered up to the pre¬sent, the building VIM is the one possessing the largest amount of visible remains (Sqs. 7 - 8 C - D). It was constructed during the Vlg phase and the retaining walls on its western side are extremely well-preserved. The south wall, which stretches for 27 metres parallel to the city wall, is divided into five segments by four vertical offsets. The building displays a very attract¬ive silhouette, rising up in the form of a miniature fortress. This L - shaped house consisted of a large room measuring 5x13 metres, and there used to be six pithoi for storing grain along its western wall, but these have been removed. A section in the north of the large room was used as a kitchen and the two rooms on the west as larders.
House VIA is situated in squares 6A - B. Mycenaean pottery was first found in quantity in this building. It measures 19.18 metres by 12.30 metres; the front porch is 4.25 metres deep. The interior of the main room measures I I .55 x 9. 10 metres. Since no trace of the floor remains, the for¬mer presence of stone bases is a matter for conjecture. However, it seems certain that there must have been a central row of wooden pillars, which would be needed to support the wide span of 9.1 I metres. This is one of the buildings of Troy VI, which is constructed on a typical megaron plan. Only the porch of the adjoining house, VIB, has been preserved; the plan is similar to that of House VIC, mentioned above.
Another of the Troy VI houses which is worthy of our attention is the so-called “Anta House”, situated near the south entrance (Fig. 15). The stone from which the house got its name of “Anta” is still in its original position. With the aid of a plan, it is possible to make out those portions of the foundations which remain standing. The building has been largely de¬stroyed by the overlying bouleuterion (Theatre B). A great number of animal bones and burnt patches left by fires have been discovered inside the house but no household effects have been found there. Consequently, it can be assumed that this room was a sanctuary in which sacrifices were burnt to a particular god or gods. One gets the impression that prayers were of¬fered up in the building next to the main gate when people were about to set out on journeys or go to battle, or when they returned to the city. As a matter of fact, the monoliths resembling menhirs which lie at the foot of the south wall of Tower VI, just at the entrance to the gateway, are doubt¬less stones connected with a religious cult, as has been stated by Dorpfeld and Blegen. The fact that these menhirs were fixed in strong foundations is an indication that they were formerly taller than they are at present and that, in the course of time, they were reduced through demolition. A simi¬lar stone block has also been found at the entrance to House VIA. The fine columns and pillars which we see in the sanctuaries attached to the Cretan palaces also indicate that the Trojan blocks under discussion were connected with a religious cult.
The majority of the houses on the acropolis which have been described follow a trapezoidal plan. It will be noticed on closer investigation that in all the houses of this type, i.e. VIM, the Pillar House, VIF, VIE and VIC, the faces looking towards the city centre are narrower than those facing the city wall, a point which is emphasized by Dorpfeld and Blegen. Thus the trapezoidal houses conform to the overall plan of the acropolis, going from north to south and radiating out in a fan-like manner. This means that the hill was planned down to the last detail and that even the shape which each house should take was determined by a master designer. Troy
VI exhibits another characteristic, namely that the terraces on which the buildings are situated, rise one above the other in concentric circles (Fig. 14, 15). A similarly planned sequence can be observed in the acropolis of the Hittite period at Boğazköy (Fig. 138). There also, one is struck by the arrangement of the isolated buildings in a concentric pattern. 1200 years later, one notices the same feature again in Asia Minor, this time on the acropolis at Pergamon, where a much more successful example of the fan¬like city plan was realized (Fig. 24).
Troy VI, with its fine fortifications, its ingenious plan and its carefully constructed buildings, was one of the most beautiful and extraordinary cities of its day, not only in its immediate neighbourhood but in the whole ancient world. In the introduction to this book, we touched on the fact that the Trojans rose to a high cultural level during this period. It can be concluded from the statement of its architectural achievements that this brilliant period of Troy, which is reflected in the pomp of Homer’s “Iliad”, occurred during the VI f-h phases. This is the city told of in the “Iliad”, the city which even after a siege lasting ten years still could not be overcome. Priam and his sons, Paris and Hector, or else the king and princes known to us by their names in myth, must have lived during the most glorious phase, Vlh. The destruction of llion related in the “Odys¬sey”, however, took place in the following architectural layer, Vila. Blegen, with his acute perception, attributed the cause of the end of Troy VI to a catastrophic earthquake. The debris of the Troy Vlh phase lying beneath Troy Vila, as recorded by photographs taken during excavations, is clearly revealed as having been caused by an earthquake. It is still possible to observe the results of the earthquake in the area lying in squares G9 and J - K6.
Troy Vila (1275-1240 B.C.). Apparently, the earthquake did not strike without warning because no human skeletal remains have been discov¬ered among the debris, and neither is there any evidence to prove that the houses were suddenly abandoned. The American archaeologists state categorically that there is no break in culture; indeed we see that the Grey Minyan ceramic ware found in the Vlh stratum is of the same quality, and occurs in the same profusion, as in the Vila stratum. In addition, they point out that the so-called Tan ceramic ware was fashioned as exquisitely as it had been in the previous habitation level. The American archaeologists have de-termined that the Vila stratum lasted not much longer than one generation.
According to the American expedition, Vila is Priam’s city and the llion which we see mirrored in Homer’s “Iliad” belongs to this period. However, our considerations of the architecture of the Vila layer make it difficult to share this opinion. The inhabitants of Vila repaired the city walls and the ruined houses but, from the point of view of workmanship, they built houses of low quality. A more important point is that the character of the city was completely changed as regards architectural planning and order. Not one work survived that was representative of the high artistic standards and intricately thought-out town planning which we so much admired in the Troy Vlf-h strata. In place of the magnificent, free¬standing buildings of Troy VI, there appeared houses of a character that dis¬played social class distinctions, houses which were huddled together and in complete contrast to the megaron-type dwellings. These houses are well- preserved; they can be seen between the gateways VIT and VIS, in the area behind the city wall. They simply cannot compare with Houses ViG, VIF, VIE and VIC, which flank them in a row to the west. What could have been the reason for this startling change in architecture and town planning in Troy? Could an earthquake have caused such a radical departure? One can perhaps suppose that this natural disaster brought about a change in the administration of the state, that the king and the royal family, accompanied by the nobles, were driven out of the city and that the lower classes who lived outside the acropolis moved in to take their place. It is inconceivable that the people who built the megarons and ramparts of the Vlh stage would start building houses of this low standard and changed character solely as the result of a catastrophic earthquake. This change may be explained by the disappearance of the king and aristocracy. Possibly the common people, wearied in body and soul by more than five hundred long years of oppression by kings and nobles, were finally able to throw off their yoke, under the leadership of a rebel force which seized this opportunity to draw a parallel between the calamity and the people’s lot; thus they rose up against the monarch and his wealthy entourage.
As we have attempted to state in this discourse, Priam’s city of IIion, found reflected in the glory of Homer’s “Iliad”, is actually Troy Vlh. The archaeological situation fits in well with the epic. That is to say, it supports the account related in the “Odyssey” of the overthrow of Troy “Vila” by the Achaeans after the stalemate struggle against Troy “Vlh” as told in the “Iliad”. Seen from this aspect, the stratagem of the wooden horse takes on a mean¬ing. The Achaeans, unable to capture the city of llion after fighting for ten years, could only achieve their goal after the city had been destroyed in an earthquake and the rule of the acropolis had fallen into the hands of a usurper, leading the poor and inexperienced lower classes. Since the Achae¬ans well knew that they owed their victory to Poseidon, the Earth-Shaker, they offered up a wooden statue in the likeness of a horse as evidence of their gratitude to the god for his great help. Poetic fantasy then created the stratagem of the wooden horse in the ‘Odyssey” from this event.
Troy VII bl (1240- 1190 B.C.). The burnt layer in the Vila level of habitation shows a thickness varying from 0.50 metres to 1.00 metre. In spite of this terrible disaster, the people of Troy returned to the city and repaired their dwellings and the city walls. With the continued production of Grey Minyan and Tan ceramic ware, the indigenous culture was uninterrupted. It is possible to see ruins of this period in squares E-F 8-9. The style of construction, first seen in Vila, is continued.
Blegen is right in determining the date of the Troy Vila catastrophe by means of the results obtained from research into the style of Mycenaean pottery. Moreover, as will be seen later, the year 1240 is in general agree¬ment with other historical events.
Troy VII b2 (I 190- 1100 B.C.). A change in culture is encountered for the first time since the Troy VI settlement in Troy VII b2. In this stratum, the so-called Knobbed Ware and similar ceramics make their first appearance at Troy. This type of pottery, which heretofore was found only in the Balkan countries, is distinguished by its greyish hue, the decorative horn¬like protuberances on its surface and the angular handles. There are changes also in wall-building technique. The lower courses of the walls are strengthen¬ed by the use of orthostats, i.e., by vertically placed blocks of stone. A house constructed in this style can be seen to the west of the gateway VI U in square A 7; in addition, there are the remains of an orthostat wall in J-K 5 and K7.
The people of Balkan origin who settled in Troy VII b2 probably gained entry with no great difficulty because no traces of fire or other disaster have been encountered between this layer and Troy VII bI. From this, we can conclude that, among the tribes that must have played a large role in the destruction of Hattusa about I 180 and fighting under the name of Mu§ki against the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I around I 165 and which, after they had destroyed Arzawa and Kargamif, fought Rameses III (I 198 - 1176), were nomads who had come from the Balkans and were living in Troy
VII b2. It would appear that the first halt made by the “Aegean Immigration” was at Troy. Perhaps what actually happened was that the destruction of Troy Vila by the Achaeans paved the way for the first wave of the “Aegean Immigration”. The Trojan acropolis, which for hundreds of years had been acting as a fortress against the invasion of Asia Minor by European tribes, possibly lost its former strength and may have been instrumental in setting off mass movements of population in the world of that day.
Troy VIII. No traces of the Hellenic civilization found in Troy VIII can go back earlier than the 7th century B. C. This conclusion is in agreement with the discoveries of the earliest Hellenic finds in the north¬west of Asia Minor. Cyzicus and Byzantium were also founded in the seventh century.
The remains of the first Hellenic building, called the “upper temenos” by the American expedition, are located beneath the sanctuary in squares A-B 7-8. The altar situated in the middle of the above-mentioned up¬per temenos was constructed in the Hellenistic era. The north-east facing wall of the temenos, lying immediately in front of and parallel to the city wall of Troy VI, is a fine example of the careful rustica stonework of Hellenistic times. However, another altar lying to the west of the centrally-placed altar, and also square in plan, dates from the Augustan age.
The sacred precinct south of the upper temenos in squares A 8 - 9, called the “lower temenos” by the American expedition, and containing two altars, was also erected in the Hellenistic period. To which gods the temenoi were dedicated has not been determined.
By far the most important building constructed in Hellenistic times is certainly the temple of Athena (Fig. 14). As was the case with many cities in western Asia Minor, a temple consecrated to Athena had long existed at llion. Herodotus writes (VII, 43) that here Xerxes sacrificed a thousand oxen to the goddess. Alexander the Great too, after his victory at Granikos, visited the temple and decorated it with beautiful gifts. In addition, he pro¬mised later, according to Strabo (13, 593), in a letter, that he would erect a splendid temple. To quote Strabo again, Lysimachos is said to have fulfilled Alexander’s wish. Granted that this passage of Strabo’s is controversial, it is a fact that the Helios head seen in a metope, and the acanthus leaves on fragments of the sima (gutter), are rendered in Hellenistic manner. Similarly, the temple of Athena at Pergamon is also of the Lysimachos period. The temple at llion, like the temple at Pergamon, was of the Doric order, which is an indication that it was built in the time of Lysimachos. Owing to the fact that the area containing the Athena temple has been completely dug up, the whole place is now a deep hole. Various parts of the temple lie at the bottom of this hollow and among the marble ruins of the Roman theatre. Some of them are kept in the local museum.
Troy IX. S ince the Romans believed that the Trojan hero Aeneas, son of Aphrodite, was their ancestor (his son llus or lulus having founded Alba Longa, the mother City of Rome), they attached great importance to llion (Troy). Julius Caesar, who traced his legendary origin back to lulus and so to llion, offered sacrifices here, but it was Augustus who put concrete plans into effect. In this period, the temenos of the Athena temple was enlarged, and the construction of other buildings (Fig. 14) increased to cover the area. The temple was surrounded on all four sides by colonnades, each of which was 80 metres in length. While this huge square was under construction, the most important buildings of Troy VI and the houses of Troy VII were demolished. The Roman wall, which in part overlies the south-eastern section of the Troy VI wall and in part conceals the front of it, was erected in this period. The edifice in square G7 is the propylon to the temple of Athena, and it too was built in the Augustan age. A large number of Roman remains also exist in the open space lying between the south-eastern part of the Athena temple and the city wall. The bouleuterion (Theatre B), half of which was built over the city wall immediately to the east of the main entrance to Troy VI (VI T), and also the Theatre C (squares EF 9 - 10), the auditorium of which lies over the city wall, both date from the Roman period.
Alexandria Troas. This city was founded by Antigonos and Lysimachos at the command of Alexander the Great. Because of its artificial harbour, Alexandria Troas became a powerful and rich commercial centre. As the ruins lie on a sea route, their stones have been easily plundered. The theatre and the baths, constructed in the time of Hadrian by Herodes Atticus, have been reduced to rubble. The stones that formed the aqueduct erected by Herodes Atticus have also been completely pillaged.
NEANDRIA
This city was excavated by the German archaeologist Robert Koldewey in 1899. It lies about 13 km. inland from the coastal town of Alexandria Troas. It was founded on a granite crest of Mt. £igri at a height of 500 m. (Fig. 16). It covers an area 1,400 m. long and 450 m. wide. The city wall is 3 m.
thick and 3,200 m. long. This fortification was partially constructed in the polygonal style and shows a very good state of preservation. In all proba¬bility it was erected in the 5th century B. C, since the houses in the town were certainly inhabited for at least a period of one hundred years prior to 300 B. C. when, the coastal town of Alexandria Troas having been founded, Neandria was completely abandoned. Quite long stretches of an earlier city wall, laid in the polygonal style, are still standing (Fig. 16, No. 2). This old wall encircled the highest part of the rocky acropolis in the north-
Fig. 16-Plan of Neandria. I) Archaic acropolis. 2) Ancient fortifications (prob¬ably 6th century B. C.). 3) Main entrance dating, together with the city wall, from the late 5th century B. C. 4) Archaic temple, ca. 600 B. C.
Fig. 17-Aeolic capital from the Temple at Neandria, ca. 600 B.C. Istanbul. Fig. 18-Plan of the Temple at Neandria, ca. 600 B. C.
Fig. 19 - Temple of Athena at Assos. Perípteros of the Doric order with 6x13 columns and a frieze. Stylobate measuring 14.03 x 30.31 m., ca. 530 B. C.
west. The chief monument in Neandria is the temple that was built at the end of the 7th century or the beginning of the 6th (Fig. 16, No.4). The Aeolic capitals brought to light in this temple are now kept in the Istanbul Museum.
ASSOS
The city of Assos, perched on a rocky hill which cuts off the Tuzla stream, the Satnioeis, from the sea, was founded by the inhabitants of Methymna, a town on the island of Lesbos. In the 6th century B.C. it came under the sovereignty of Lydia. At the end of the same century Assos, like the whole of the Troad, became part of the Persian province of Phrygia and the Hellespont. In the 5th century it joined the Athenian League. The governor Ariobarzanes, who rebelled against the Persian King Artaxerxes, was defeated at Assos in 365 B.C. Later the town was governed by the banker Euboulos, who was succeeded as ruler by the eunuch Hermias, one of Plato's students. As a result of this connection, Hermias' friend Aristotle stayed with him at Assos for three years (348 - 345). Kleanthes, one of the heads of the Stoic school’, came from Assos. From 241 - 133 B.C., Assos was under the domination of the Kingdom of Pergamon. Field work in Assos was undertaken from 1881-3 by an American expedition, directed by J.T. Clarke, and F.H. Bacon. Now excavation and restoration work conducted by Prof. Ümit Serdaroğlu. The acropolis, is surrounded by magnificent walls more than 3 km in length. These walls are the most complete fortifications in the Greek world (Fig. 20). They have been extremely skilfully constructed (PI. 30). In particular, the gateways are exceptionally fine; they all differ from one another in kind and character and display a variety and originality of form (PI. 30 a.). The large main gate (I) to the acropolis is on the west (Fig. 20). The eastern tower of the two guarding both sides of the gateway is intact up to the loopholes and the gutter; only the battlements are missing. The portion which is still standing reaches a height of more than 14 metres (PI. 30b). The city wall was erected in the 4th century B.C. The polygonal wall seen near the gate on the west, the front of which is partly concealed by a 4th century wall, is older than the latter. Consequently, the other polygonal walls of Assos must be earlier than the 4th century. The temple of Athena, built on the highest platform of the acropolis about 530 B.C., stands out as the most important work in Assos (Fig.20 No. 3). This temple, in andesite, was originally Doric in style, but the architrave below the row of triglyphs and metopes was decorated with a frieze, which is a feature of the Ionic order (Fig.21). The naos is a "templum in antis" and the peristasis had 13 columns on the long sides and 6 on the ends (Fig. 19). Only the stylobate of the temple has been preserved and this measures 14.03X30.31 metres. Within the cella, a pebble mosaic dating from the Hellenistic period
was preserved up to the time of the excavations. No trace of this mosaic is now visible. The altar is understood to have been completely destroyed by buildings erected in Byzantine times and the Middle Ages. The view, over the valley of the Satnioeis and the Bay of Edremit, that can be seen from the site of the temple 238 metres up, is magnificent. Reliefs from the Assos temple are housed in the museums of Paris, Boston and Istanbul. Well-preserved Doric capitals and various other fragments are scattered over the site.
Built upon terraces on the southern slopes of the acropolis, where the temple is situated, are also located the agora (4-9), the gymnasium (10) and the theatre (I I). On the north side of the agora square there formerly stood a two-storeyed Doric stoa (4) measuring 111.52 metres in length and 12.42 metres in width. The columns were not fluted but, like those at Per- gamon, they were prismatic in section and had 20 facets. On the lower floor, three metopes come between every two columns. The row of holes seen on the rear wall of the stoa held the timbers which formed the floor of the second storey.
The south stoa (5) possessed three storeys, but the top floor was built on a level with the first floor of the northern stoa (Fig. 22). The middle floor and the basement opened only to the south, whereas the top floor over¬looked both the agora square and the sea (Fig. 20). When they wished, the people of Assos could either sit or stroll about in the large room on the upper floor of the north stoa and in the southern part of the third floor of the south stoa, enjoying the cool air and gazing at the splendid view of the Bay of Edremit. On the middle floor of the south stoa there were thirteen shops which formed a “covered bazaar”. Windows existed in the south face of the middle floor. In the basement there were two cisterns, one mea¬suring 41.60 x 2.75 metres, the other 14.85 x 2.37 metres. There were also 13 bathrooms. The middle floor of the stoa did not rest against the rock; there existed an intervening space of not more than 20 cms. As in the case of the so-called “peristasis” at Pergamon, this narrow air space ensured that the building was protected from moisture and that it was kept cool in summer and warm in winter. The byilding, which rises to the same height as the covered bazaar of the south stoa, is a prostyle (Fig. 22). We learn from an inscription that the inhabitants of Assos had this building erected in honour of Kallisthenes, the son of Hephaistogenes, for services he had rendered to the town. The building dates from Roman times.
Shops occupied an area opening on to a street lying to the south¬west of the agora square (7), but only some parts of their foundations can be seen today (Fig. 22). Still other shops can be found outside the agora on the west of the north stoa (8). These give the impression of being small stores selling high class goods, but.only some ruined portions of their foundations are now in existence.
Access to the agora was gained by a broad arched gateway on the west side. Immediately to the right of this is the site of the prostyle temple of the agora, of which only the foundations can be seen (Fig. 22). However, since this building was later converted into a church, not much is known about its original design. The ground plan of the temple and its situation
Fig. 20 - Plan of Assos. I) Main gateway (PI. 30 b) together with city wall, dating from the 4th century B. C. 2) A smaller gate (PI. 30 a), 4th century B. C. 3) Temple of Athena (see Figs. 19, 21), 530 B. C. 4) North stoa of the Agora, 3rd or 2nd century B. C. 5) South stoa of the Agora with a “covered bazaar”, 3rd or 2nd century B. C. 6) The Agora temple, 2nd century B. C. 7-8) Shops built in Hellenistic times. 9) Bouleuterion, Hellenistic period. 10) Gymnasium, 2nd cen¬tury B. C. II) Theatre, built in the 3rd century B. C. and altered in Roman times. 12) Turkish Mosque, 14th century A. D. 13) Turkish bridge, 14th century A. D. 14) Necropolis of Hellenistic and Roman times.
Fig. 21 - Temple of Athena at Assos, of the Doric order with a frieze on the architrave. 530 B. C. (see also Fig. 19).
within the agora remind one of the temple in the upper agora at Pergamon (No. 22 in Fig. 24).
The official buildings of the agora are gathered together on its narrow eastern side (Fig. 22). Here are situated a bouleuterion (council chamber) and, just in front of it, a bema (the platform from which the orators delivered their speeches) and many other kinds of buildings, statues and small portable monuments with inscriptions. These andesite structures of the Doric order, surrounding the agora on four sides, in many ways recall Per¬gamon, an opinion which has also been expressed by Roland Martin. The fact that the rear of the temple is hidden by the west wall of the agora, like the temple in the agora at Pergamon, and that a narrow space has been left between the agora and the rock, again as was customary at Pergamon, has
Fig. 22 - Assos. Plan of Agora. Hellenistic in date (see the caption of Fig. 20, Nos. 4-10).
been stated above. To these similarities can be added the characteristic of placing an Ionic profile above a Doric frieze. The agora temple and many other monuments at Pergamon are typical examples of this intermixture of Doric and Ionic styles. Therefore, it would not be wrong to date buildings in Assos according to the models at Pergamon. The rare occurrence of such features as the mixing of Doric and Ionic elements and the placing of only three metopes between every two columns indicates that theAssos architects were not yet familiar with the new trends of the Hermogenes period. There¬fore, it would have been correct to date the stoas of the Assos agora to the 2nd half of the 3rd century B. C., had it not been for the longevity of the style; they could be as late as the 2nd century. Certainly the agora temple was built in the second half of the second century B. C. (see the similar temples at Pergamon in Fig. 33 a-e).
The ruins of a gymnasium (10) lie between the agora and the big west gate. Preserved here is a paved courtyard, measuring 32 x 40 metres, which had colonnades on its four sides. In the north-east sector of the courtyard can be seen a church which was erected in Byzantine times, and in the south¬west corner, a cistern. The entrance was on the south. The three semicir¬cular steps which were exposed during excavation can no longer be seen today. Fragments of the cornice and the epistyle of this gateway have been recovered. A few portions of the upper door of the gymnasium have been found. Entasis was absent in the columns of the gymnasium, which were made of andesite and had marble capitals of the Doric order. The echinus
of the capitals is straight in profile. The building of the gymnasium at Assos was accomplished in the Hellenistic period. This multi-cornered colonnaded structure, forming a triangle and occupying the area to the right of the entrance to the gymnasium, also shows the influence of the architectural concepts of Pergamene kings and artists (see Fig. 35).
The theatre was situated immediately below the agora (Fig. 20). How sad it is that this building, which only a century ago was completely pre¬served, has been reduced to this miserable ruin. Nevertheless, with the aid of the remaining parts of the theatre, it has been possible to draw a plan of the building. The orchestra is horseshoe-shaped, as was customary in theatres of the Greek period. The theatre was originally built in the 3rd century B. C., and underwent renovation in the Roman era (Fig. 20, No. 11).
Both sides of the two roads, which began at the west and east gates of the acropolis, were flanked with sarcophagi and monuments (Fig. 20). The structure seen slightly to the north of the main west gate are the remains of the grave of Publius Varius. This road, passing out through the west gate, led to the River Satnioeis. The graceful bridge (13) with pointed arches that we see there is a Turkish work of the 14th century. To the north of the acropolis, the mosque, which stands in front of the tower dating from the Middle Ages, was also built by the Turks in the reign of Murat I (1359- 1389). Currently excavation work is being conducted by Nurettin Aslan.
PERGAMON
From a study of ceramic works that have been uncovered during the ex¬cavations, the place where Pergamon was founded is understood to have been a small settlement in the archaic period. Ancient records disclose the fact that Pergamon was ruled for a time by Gongylos of Eretria, who acted as viceroy to the King of Persia. During the so-called Expedition of the Ten Thousand, Xenophon occupied the town from 400 to 399. Since Lysimachos, the ruler of Anatolia from 301 on, gave 9000 talents for war expenses into the safe-keeping of Philetairos, the commander of Pergamon, one is entitled to suppose that the acropolis was well fortified with strong walls as far back as the 4th century B. C. On Lysimachos’ death, Philetairos retained this money for himself and with it founded the Pergamon monarchy. For 150 years, Pergamon was one of the most brilliant cultural centres of the Helle¬nistic era (283-133 B. C.). Philetairos (283-263 B. C.) extended his kingdom as far as the shores of the Marmara; his nephew, Eumenes I (263-241 B. C.), managed to preserve these frontiers by paying tribute to the Galatians. Attalos I (241-197 B.C.), the son of Eumenes I, overcame the Galatians in battle and began to use the title of king. Attalos was deeply interested in art and culture. The first beautiful buildings to appear in the city were erected in his reign. Eumenes II (197-159 B. C.) raised the Kingdom of Pergamon to its rank of one of the strongest states of Hellenistic times, by means of the close ties he established with Rome. During this period, Pergamon held an important position among the cultural centres of the ancient world. The city possessed a very rich and important library. The principal and most be¬autiful buildings to be found on the acropolis were erected by Eumenes II.
Fig. 23 - General plan of Pergamon. I) Upper city (see the caption of Fig. 24). 2) Middle city (see the caption of Fig. 34). 3) Gate of Eumenes (197-159 B. C.). 4) Serapis Temple, 2nd century A. D. 5) Stadium, Roman Period. 6) Amphitheatre, Roman Period. 7) Roman Theatre. 8) Ancient road leading to the Asklepieion.
With fine artistic feeling, Eumenes raised Pergamon to the level of the most splendid cities of the Greek world of his time, by using the Athenian acropolis as a model. Pergamon led the world of Hellenistic times in the fields of architecture and sculpture. The example set by Eumenes II was followed by his brother Attalos II (159-138 B.C.) and by the latter’s son, Attalos III (138-133 B. C.). The Kingdom of Pergamon died with Attalos III, and he bequeathed it to the Roman Empire. Pergamon continued to be a very important centre during the Roman period. Augustus re-erected the monuments of the Kingdom Period commemorating victories. Hadrian completed the Trajaneum (Fig. 24, No. 15), while Caracalla was responsible for the restoration of the temple of Dionysus (Fig. 24, No. 17). Pergamon became the centre of a diocese in the Christian era, and one of the seven
churches of the Apocalypse was located here. In Byzantine times, the city was encircled by a new wall, constructed from the remains of stone blocks, statues and reliefs dating from the Hellenistic and Roman eras. From
A. D. 716 on, Pergamon was occupied by the Arabs for a period and, in 1330, it passed into Turkish hands.
The discovery by the German engineer Carl Humann of the high reliefs of the altar of Zeus, incorporated into that part of the Byzantine wall lying between the heroon (Fig. 24 No. I) and the upper agora (Fig. 24, No. 21), led the way to the excavation of the ruins at Bergama. During the first campaigns (1878- 1886), of which Carl Humann, Alexander Conze and R. Bohn were in charge, the upper city was unearthed (Fig. 24). During the second period of excavation (1900-1913), directed by W. Dorpfeld, H. Hepding and P. Schatzmann, the middle and lower districts of the city (Fig. 34) were uncover¬ed. In the third period of excavation (1927-1936), the exploration undertaken by Theodor Wiegand resulted in the identification of the arsenals (Fig. 24, No. 14), the heroon (Fig. 24, No. I), the Red Courtyard (Fig. 36) and the Asklepieion (Fig. 38). The fourth period of excavation (1957-1972) yielded under Erich Boehringer very important results.Wolfgang Radt was in charge, and beginning with the Asklepieion, work was systematically expanded to various parts of the city. A new and successful expedition is currently headed by Felix Pirson.
Pergamon was a place of flourishing social and cultural activity, in accord¬ance with conditions prevailing in the world of Hellenistic times. In contrast to the Athenian acropolis, which was entirely religious and sacred in charac¬ter, the hilltop of Pergamon was predominantly devoted to buildings and public squares constructed for purposes associated with the daily life of the people. Here, citizens could meet, walk, attend to personal or official affairs, or engage in sporting activities.
Although sacred buildings still seemed to be of importance, their outward appearance was their sole connection with religion. The altar of Zeus (Pis. 33 b, 34 b) was more a symbol of success in battle than a building dedicated to the worship of a god, and its significance arose from the fact that it was, in a sense, a monument to a victory won by the Kingdom. The Athena temple (Fig. 24, No. 7), dwarfed as it was by the three stoas lying along three of its sides, is another example showing that the religious function of buildings was only of secondary importance. The spacious stoas, which afforded ample shelter against heat and cold, together with the shady court¬yard (Pis. 32-35) supplied a great need for public places where people could walk, sit, chat, observe and do business; therefore, they were given primary consideration. In the same way, the small buildings comprising the temples of Dionysus, Asklepios and Hera and those in the agora and the gymnasium were buildings of secondary importance, for performing the traditional religious ceremonies. Thus the principal buildings on the acropolis were apparently reserved for social and cultural functions. Not only classical drama and the new comedy, introduced in the Hellenistic period, were performed in the big theatre; it was also a place where philosophers and poets read their works aloud. The library, which overlooked the theatre from higher ground, was also instrumental in spreading knowledge. The
Fig. 24 - Acropolis (upper city) of Pergamon. I) Heroon, a peristyle building probably dedicated to the worship of the Pergamene kings Attalos I (241-197 B. C.) and Eumenes II (197-159). The andesite structure dates from the Hellenistic period; the Roman alterations were made of marble and are now lost. 2) Shops built in the Hellenistic age. 3) Main entrance of the Acropolis (the upper city). It dates, together with the city wall, from the time of Eumenes II. Parts of the fortifications on the right were repaired in Byzantine times. 4) Outlines of the foundations of the Propylon, constructed by Eumenes II (see Fig. 27). 5) Flight of steps leading up to the palaces. 6) Sacred precinct (temenos) of Athena, surrounded by three stoas (colonnades) of the Doric order, built during the time of Eumenes II. 7) Temple of Athena in the Doric order, constructed at the beginning of the third century. 8) The renowned library which contained 200,000 volumes. It was erected by Eumenes II, but earlier than the north stoa of the temenos of Athena. 9) A house - complex dating from Hellenistic times. 10) Palace of Eumenes II in the form of a peristyle house. II) Palace of Attalos I, also of peristyle type. 12) Remains of some Hellenistic houses, possibly belonging to officers. 13) Barracks and command tower, built in the Hellenistic age. The view of the east side of the city wall behind the barracks, seen from the acropolis, is magnificent. 14) Arsenals, erected in the 3rd century B. C. and altered in following periods. The andesite balls found in the Arsenals are now to be seen in the lower agora (PI. 37 b). 15) Trajaneum, a temple of the Corinthian order, erected to Trajan by his successor Hadrian (A. D. 117-138). In fact, both emperors were worshipped here, for colossal heads of two marble statues were found within the temple. 16) Theatre, built during the third century B. C. and altered in Roman times. 17) Temple of Dionysus (see also Figs. 29, 33 a), constructed in the second century 8. C. and renovated by Caracalla (A. D. 211-217). 18) Theatre terrace, second century 8. C. There was, stretching for 250 m. along the west side of the narrow terrace, a Doric stoa with a splendid view overlooking the Kaikos valley. Itwas an ideal place for promenades (PI. 32). 19) Two-aisled stoa, late Hellenistic in date. 20) Altar of Zeus, built by Eumenes II. It was adorned with reliefs (now in Berlin) representing the battle of Gods and Giants but symbolising, in fact, the victory of the Pergamene people over the Galat¬ians. 21) Agora, built in the Doric order, third century B. C. The altar of the agora was in the western part of the courtyard. 22) Temple of the agora, built in the Doric order but intermixed with Ionic elements (see also Fig. 33 b). It was erected in the second century 8. C. and probably dedicated to Zeus or Hermes. The build¬ing in the north-west corner of the agora, dating from the Hellenistic age, was converted into an apsidal structure during the Roman period.
kings responsible for the arrangement of all these activities dwelt in the palace immediately behind the library. Here, as at Hattusa, (Fig. 138), the palaces occupied a position which could be most strongly defended, to the rear of all the other buildings on the hilltop.
Since the buildings of the acropolis had to conform to the topography of the site and to the road coming from the town (Fig. 23), they were arranged from south to north, but their main façades looked westwards, as they were required, and designed, to be seen from a distance. The agora, the altar of Zeus, the Athena temenos, the palaces, the theatre, and the
building, doubtless of Hellenistic origin, which formerly occupied a site within the sanctuary of the Trajaneum, all overlooked the plain in the same direction. Since the altar of Zeus was originally intended to be seen from all sides, it was not surrounded by colonnades (PI. 34 b), and the westward facing sides of the agora and the Athena temenos, which overlooked the plain, were likewise not enclosed (Fig. 24 Pis. 32-34).
The architectural plan of the Pergamene acropolis (Figs. 23, 24), calls to mind those of Buylikkale at Hattusa (Fig. 138) and of Troy VI (Fig. 14), which closely resemble it. In each case, the city is planned in terms of free¬standing buildings which rise one above the other in concentric arcs on semi-circular terraces. The acropolis at Pergamon constitutes, from the points of view of form and conception, a splendid example of this type of city plan. Although the buildings were erected over a period of 150 years and are representative of different phases, the city exhibits a well-ordered plan and a highly successful tectonic composition. It can safely be said that work on the realization of the plan as a whole was first begun during the reign of Eumenes I I, because the finest and most important works, i.e. the city wall, the altar of Zeus, the propylon of the Athena temple (Fig. 27) and the associated stoas, the library, the main palace (Fig. 24, No. 10), the theatre terrace (PI. 32) and many other buildings, appeared in the reign of this king, and several earlier buildings were enlarged or completed. During this period of extensive development, the acropolis was set up according to a city plan which spread out fan-wise on three sides of the nucleus formed by the Athena temple and the theatre, which were built during an earlier period of the Kingdom.
It is perhaps no accident that the theatre, a building where all kinds of cultural activities took place, should form the centre of this structural composition. In this way, the city was presented to the eyes of the world as a magnificent architectural ensemble, and the inhabitants strove to express to mankind those achievements of the Hellenistic age that could be expressed in words through the medium of the theatre, which acted as a kind of mouth¬piece for this tectonic organism.
The Acropolis of Pergamon (Fig. 24). The main entrance (3) to the acropolis of Pergamon was north of the heroon (I) and south of the palace, of Eumenes (10). Today also, entrance to the ruins of the upper city is gained by following a ramp which ascends westwards from the car park through this same gateway (Fig. 23). The city wall was built by Eumenes II, and that part of it which adjoins the entrance is in a good state of preservation. Pas¬sing up the ramp, one can see, on the right, places in the Hellenistic wall which were repaired in Byzantine times.
The Heroon. The remains of a building (I), located below the main citadel gate, on the left of the ramp leading from the modern parking area to the acropolis, are known to be those of a heroon (Fig. 25). Here the Per¬gamene kings, especially Attalos I and Eumenes II, were worshipped as gods; the building can therefore also be designated by the name Attaleion or Eu- meneion. The major sections of the structure can be enumerated as follows : a peristyle of approximately 18 X 21 metres, a 7-columned stoa to the east
of this, and a cult room adjoining the latter on the east. The main entrance to the heroon was in the south-west corner, while another door was loca¬ted at the north-west end of the north stoa beside the road. Moreover, those descending from the acropolis could pass through two rooms in the south¬east section of the heroon. The plan offered here shows the building of the Hellenistic period, which was probably erected during the time of Attalos I (241 - 197 B.C.), but the changes made during the Roman period are also indicated (Fig. 25).
Fig. 25 - Heroon. Building of peristyle type probably, dedicated to the worship of the Pergamene kings Attalos I (241-197 B. C.) and Eumenes II (197-159). The andesite structure dates back to the Hellenistic age. Roman alterations were made of marble and are now lost.
Fig. 26 - Palaces of Attalos I (left) and Eumenes II (right). Both are large houses of peristyle type (buildings with central courtyards surrounded by rooms). Eumenes’ palace includes a cult room (A), a cistern (B), and another cistern (in the centre of the courtyard).
No major alterations were carried out during the Roman era. In Hellenistic times, the cult room proper measured approximately 6 X 12 metres and had a rectangular niche in the north wall. During the Roman period, the room was enlarged to a nearly square 12 X 13 metres and the inner walls were faced with marble. A narrow podium was then erected in place of the niche. In Roman times, a second storey surrounded by columns with Corinth¬ian capitals was also added, and it is therefore possible that the heroon resembled the GLimujkesen tomb at Milas (PI. 77). In the Hellenistic period, only the columns of the stoa were of marble; the Doric columns of the peri-
style and the walls were of andesite.On the other hand, all the additions of the Roman period were constructed in marble. An earlier heroon, also erected by the Pergamene kings, lies under the Hellenistic heroon represented on the plan. This original building was composed of a simple courtyard with a cult room, in place of the later 7-columned stoa. Under the large building of the Hellenistic age, remains of houses, which are also Hellenistic in date, have been found. Discoveries include three houses under the peristyle and parts of a large house under the east edge of the cult room. Before excavation, a Byzantine city wall had covered the south-east corner of the heroon. The sacred building at Priene, probably dedicated to the worship of Alexander the Great, resembles the heroon at Pergamon.
The long building (2) north of the heroon (I) consists of a row of shops, and dates back to the Hellenistic era.
From the gate of the acropolis opening south, one passes into a fine stone-paved courtyard; on the right and left are quarters for the soldiers who guarded the gate. Directly opposite is a flight of steps (5) leading up to the palace of Eumenes II, while immediately to the left can be seen the outline of the foundations of the propylon (4) which formed the entrance to the temenos of Athena (Fig. 24, No. 6).
The Athena Temple and Stoas. The Athena temple, constructed on the terrace above the theatre, was of the Doric order, with 6 columns on the ends and 10 columns along the flanks (PI. 33 a; Fig. 24, No. 7). Today, only some parts of the foundations of the temple remain, but the western flank is partly preserved up to a height of 1.20 m. It was built of andesite and stood on a two-stepped crepidoma; the stylobate measured 12.72 X 21.77 metres. The pronaos and opisthodomos were two intercolumniations in depth, and the distance from the naos to the pteron was the width of or.iy one intercolumniation. The columns are slender and tall. The flutes were roughly worked and left unfinished. They are thus now prismatic in section. Three metopes occurred for every two columns. Fragments of the columns and the architrave are now in the Berlin Museum.
In western Anatolia, it seems that the most important temple of the city belonged traditionally to the goddess Athena, as observed, for example, in Izmir, Miletos, Erythrai, Phokaia and Assos. Despite this, however, it is apparent that the Athena temple at Pergamon is directly related to the Parthenon. The Pergamene temple, like the Parthenon, is of the Doric order and, unlike the Ionic temple with its many-stepped podium, rests on a crepidoma of a reduced number of steps in true Doric form. Indeed, like the Hephaisteion in Athens, the Pergamene temple has only two steps. Because of the great Doric influence, this monument must have been con¬structed at the beginning of the 3rd century, during the first days of the foun¬dation of the Pergamene Kingdom, that is, in the art style, introduced by Lysimachos, which prevailed in those years. Thus Philetairos, using the acropolis of Athens as an example, constructed a temple of the Doric order and dedicated it to Athena, the chief goddess of the city. The three metopes for every two columns also indicate that the temple must be dated to the third century B. C.
Eumenes II, after his successful battles with the Seleucids, Galatians, and Macedonians, constructed two - storeyed stoas along the east and north sides of the Athena temple (PI. 33a; Fig. 24, No. 6). These were built in the style of the Hellenistic age. The entrance, located on the east side (4), was a four-columned, two-storeyed propylon (Fig. 27). With the aid of the preserved fragments, this beautiful gateway has been restored in the Berlin Museum. As has already been mentioned, only traces of the foundations can now be seen on the original site. The lower storey was of the Doric order and the columns were only roughly worked, left to be fluted later, but never completed. The distance between the two central columns was wider than that between the remainder, as in old Ionic temples (Figs. 52, 83) and the propylaea on the acropolis at Athens. The preserved fragments of the inscription on the architrave have been restored as follows : “King Eumenes to the victory-bringing Athena”. Five metopes occur over the two central columns, while four span the remaining intercolumniations (Fig. 27). The bases of the slender, tall columns are of the Attic-Ionic order. The narrow architrave has only two fasciae. The frieze is also very narrow and has a dentil moulding on its upper section. Two-thirds of the frieze, which is decorated with garlands, has been restored on the basis of the preserved fragments. The garlands are supported by alternating bulls’ skulls and eagles. Between the garlands, phiales and the sacred owl of Athena are represented. On the balustrade of the second floor, the weapons taken as booty in the battles with the Galatians, Syrians and Macedonians are carved in relief. The round, decorated shields are those of the Macedonians, while the oval ones belong to the Galatians. The reliefs on the restored propylon are plaster casts which have been taken from the reliefs on the stoa balustrade. The tympanum was not decorated at all; however, both the horizontal and sloping geisons were embellished with dentils, as on the Zeus Sosipolis temple at Magnesia (Fig. 64, 66).
Akroteria are missing from the museum restoration and.owingtolimited space, the reconstruction of the propylon is only half the actual depth. In the original, no walls existed in the upper and lower floors and there was free access between the columns. The space between the columns of the stoa was wide, and four metopes were accommodated over each inter- columniation. The top level was of the Ionic order and the lower section be¬tween the columns was filled by a balustrade decorated with the weapon reliefs. The architrave had two fasciae and the five metopes and six triglyphs of each intercolumniation formed a Doric frieze. The columns, which divided the south stoa into two aisles, had capitals of the old Aeolic order, resembling those of the treasury house at Massalia, built in the 6th century B. C.
The Athena temenos was filled with a variety of offerings. According to Pliny (NH, XXXIV, 84), the artists Epigonos, Phyromachios, Stratonikos and Antigonos created statues representing the battles of Attalos I and Eù- menes II against the Galatians. Parts of stone blocks still found lying on the ground in this area were probably remains of a very large, high pedestal. It seems possible that bronze originals of some marble copies preserved
Fig. 27 - Propylon (entrance) to the sacred precinct of Athena in Pergamon. According to the inscription on the architrave, it was dedicated by “King Eumenes to the victory-bringing Athena”. Reign of Eumenes II (197-159 B. C.). The propylon is restored in the Berlin Museum with the help of fragments found during excava¬tions (Fig. 24, No. 4).
today may have been erected on this base. One of these marble copies is the group of the Galatian plunging a dagger into his chest after having killed his wife (Museo delle Terme, Rome) and another, the “Dying Gaul” (Mu- seo Capitolino, Rome). It seems that both the weapon frieze on the stoa and the statues dedicated within the temenos expressed the victories of the Pergamene rulers. Thus a very sacred place in the Hellenistic period was enveloped in a political atmosphere. Moreover, the Attalids knew how to express these victories in the sensitive terms which had prevailed in Greek art since archaic and classical times. Looking at the statues repre¬senting the warrior committing suicide and the dying figure, we are not at first moved by the victory of the Attalids but respond rather to the heroic demise of the defeated Galatians.
The well, situated in front of the north stoa near the temple, dates back to the Hellenistic period. The round monument in the centre of the courtyard once supported, according to Otto Brendel and Harald Ingholt, the bronze original of the Prima Porta statue of Augustus, a marble copy of which is now kept in the Vatican.
The Library. Adjoining the east end of the north stoa was the library (8). According to Strabo (XIII 624), the Pergamene library was built during the time of Eumenes II. However, it must antedate the stoa, since the rooms of the library did not have doors opening on to the street or square. Those who wished to enter the library had to proceed from the upper storey of the north stoa (Fig. 28). The south wall of the library has disappeared, so the interior of the four rooms of the structure is now visible from the south, above the north stoa of the Athena temenos.
On the basis of the preserved architectural remains, it is clear that the floor of the second storey of the north stoa was at the same level as the
Fig. 28 a - Plan of the Library of Pergamon, erected by Eumenes II.
Fig. 28 b - The same library. Transverse section through the main room of the library and the north stoa of the Athena temenos. Entrance to the library was via the upper storey of this stoa.
first storey of the library. Thus, when the stoas were being erected, the second storey of the north stoa was constructed to give access to the library, one of the first works of the 38 - year reign of Eumenes II.
The reading room was a large hall measuring 13.53 x 15.95 metres, located in the eastern section of the library. The inner surfaces of the north and east walls are preserved to a height of 3.5 metres; at intervals of one metre, and at a height of 2.20 m., is a horizontal row of regular holes, each measuring 7.5 cm. in width, 4.5 cm. In height and 14 cm. in depth. The holes at the extreme ends of the line are 50 cm. from the corners of the walls. It would seem that these holes must have served to support book¬shelves. If one examines the floor, a one metre-wide foundation can be seen at a distance of 50 cm. from the north and east walls (Fig. 28). Thus, the wooden shelves must have surrounded the hall on three sides, at a distance of 50 cm. from the walls, resting on this foundation and secured to the sides of the chamber by thick planks.
Since the shelves were not attached to the walls and a free space of 50 cm. was left, the books were protected from the damp. Similar pre¬caution is evident in the library at Ephesus. According to preserved evidence, a podium measuring 1.05 X 2.74 metres and 90 cm. in height must have stood centrally in front of the north wall. The 3.50 metre-high Athena statue, discovered in front of the reading room, and now in the Berlin Muse¬um, must have been erected on this platform. The statue, together with the podium, would have been 4.5 metres tall. Thus, the height of the hall must have been at least 6 metres. If we assume that the shelves were at least the height of the Athena statue, this room would have held many thousands of books. As stated above, manuscripts were primarily written on parch¬ment, then rolled or folded and stacked on shelves in the way that we shelve books today. Nevertheless, even if we allow that the shelves were 4 to 5 metres in height, this room could not have held more than 15-20 thousand papyri or parchment books. Accordingly, the remainder of the 200,000 volumes known to have been housed in the Pergamene library must have been stored in the other three rooms and elsewhere.
This hall, which served as a reading room, had a wooden ceiling. The roof was pitched and light entered through the windows at the top of the side walls. Two of the remaining rooms could only have had windows at the top of the northern walls, and in the westernmost room the west wall alone could have held openings for light. There are no traces of shelves in any of these rooms.
During Caesar’s campaign at Alexandria, the large library there was burned. Subsequently, Cleopatra ensured that books were brought from Pergamon to Egypt as the gift of Antony.
Remains of a large house (9) were found adjoining the most western room of the library (Fig. 24). This building is early Hellenistic in date. It has one large room preceded by an ante-room facing south and, in addition, three small rooms and another big room, also preceded by an ante-room, that opens to the west. The route to the acropolis used today passes through the centre of this house. The six steps overlooking the west are of modern construction.
The Palaces. The remains of the palaces (10, I I) of the Pergamene kings are located immediately to the east of both the stoa surrounding the Athena temple and the library (Pis 33a, Fig. 24). These were two large houses with central courtyards, that is, of peristyle form. It is accepted that the northern, smaller building (I I) was constructed during the time of Attalos, while the larger palace (10) belonged to Eumenes. The columns of the smaller peristyle house were of wood and those of its larger counterpart of andesite.
The peristyle of the Eumenes palace was approximately 25 X 25 metres. A large hall was located in the north of the palace, an altar in the courtyard (B),a cistern in the south-west corner and a cult room (A) in the east, adjoin¬ing the large hall. The west wall of the Eumenes palace is at present entirely in ruins. The west wall of the aforementioned cistern, which was greatly altered in Roman times, is also no longer in existence. In the Hellenistic age, the entrance to this cistern was on the east, and it opened on to the courtyard. Mosaic fragments recovered within the palaces are now in the Berlin Museum. The kitchen and storage-rooms were in the south¬east, just to the east of the acropolis entrance, at the foot of the city wall. A series of small rooms surrounded the courtyard of the Attalos construc¬tion. The altar was discovered in a room on the eastern side; water was supplied from a cistern in the peristyle. Large peristyle houses resembling the Pergamon palaces were found at Larisa and Priene (Figs. 39, 74). Barracks (13) were located to the north of the small palace, and immediately nearby are the poorly preserved remains of small houses (12). Those close to the king, officers must have resided here. The shops constructed of ande¬site, situated between the east corner of the library (8) and the north corner of the Trajaneum (15), go back to the Hellenistic period, but they under¬went extensive restoration in Roman times.
The Arsenals. The arsenals (14) were located at the northern edge of the acropolis, at a level 10 metres below the palaces and the Traja¬neum (15). These were five long buildings constructed parallel to one another. The westernmost measured 39 metres in length and the two to the east 48 metres each. Within .were found 13 different sizes of andesite shot; the diameter of the smallest was 15 cm. and it weighed 2.8 kg., while the largest was 40.3 cm. in diameter and 75.2 kg. in weight. In Greek, these were called sphonduloi and were hurled by a weapon known as the palinto- non. These andesite balls now occupy an area in the lower agora (PI. 37 b).
The location of the arsenals at the edge of the north acropolis afforded a wide view of the surrounding plain; in turn, however, the arsenals them¬selves could only be sighted by the approaching enemy at close range. Thus, for the defence of the city, the placement was most appropriate. The arsenals were constructed during the reigns of both Attalos 1 and Eumenes II.
The barracks and command tower (13) were located on a terrace 5 metres above the arsenals, behind the Trajaneum (15) and adjoining the palaces (10-12). These military installations, built for the general pro¬tection of the city and especially of the palaces, were begun during the reign of Attalos I, and reached their final form during the time of Eumenes II. The part of the city wall which forms the east side of the barracks and overlooks the valley rises to a height of 32 courses and streches for 70 m. The view from this wall is strikingly beautiful.
At the north edge of the arsenals, re-used in a city wall of early Byzan¬tine date, were found remains of a temple : architrave fragments, pieces of capitals and columns, as well as stones from cella walls. An architrave fragment, incorporated into the wall, was removed by plunderers some time before the start of excavations; however, the imprint of the inscription engraved on the architrave was clearly preserved in the mortar. On the basis of the impression, it would seem that this architrave belonged to the temple constructed for Faustina II, the wife of Marcus Aurelius. It is still not known, however, where on the acropolis this temple of Faustina was erected.
The Trajaneum. The buildings of the acropolis, apart from the temple of Trajan, were all built in the Hellenistic age. However, since these architec¬tural works continued to be used in Roman times, some parts were restored or altered to suit the characteristic concepts of Roman art. In spite of addi¬tions to and completions of Kingdom period constructions on the Per- gamon acropolis during the Roman era, we are struck at first glance by the essentially Hellenistic character of the buildings. The reason for this is that the buildings of the Kingdom Period were of andesite; marble was rarely used except for architectural ornamentation. Since the original plan of the buildings dating from Hellenistic times only underwent partial alteration, and since the marble additions were either removed to museums or stolen by plunderers of ruins, the majority of the remains seen in situ date from the Hellenistic age.
Trajan’s temple (Pis. 32, 34a) rises up on a terrace measuring 68 X 58 metres. This level area was the highest point of the acropolis; a build¬ing of the Hellenistic age no doubt existed here prior to this. When the time came to build the Trajaneum, the area was levelled off by means of an arched and vaulted substructure, in the manner customary in Roman times, and the temple was built on this. The 23 m. high retaining wall of the terrace is decorated along the middle with a horizontal moulding, and also with a series of windows, which appear in the front faces of the vaulted arches in the upper part of the wall. From this point of view also, the Trajaneum has a different appearance from the Hellenistic buildings found at Pergamon. The temple is flanked on three sides by stoas. The rear stoa was built five metres higher than the side stoas because the rock face rises here. The temple lies exactly in the centre of the temenos, as was customary in Roman times. It is a peripteros of the Corinthian order, with 9 columns on the long sides and 6 on the short. With its podium and stairway on the front face, it strongly recalls the temple of Dionysus on the theatre terrace; but, in this case too, there is no doubt that the effect is due to Roman architectural concepts.
Although it seems that the temple was erected to Trajan by his successor Hadrian, both emperors, in fact, were worshipped here. In support of this theory are the heads of two colossal marble statues of Trajan and Had¬rian, which were discovered within the temple. These works are now in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin (E. Rohde, Pergamon Fig. 16).
The Theatre. The Pergamon theatre (16), rising on a high and steep hillside and presenting a very impressive profile, is one of the most beau¬tiful creations of the Hellenistic age. The architectural composition, in which all the other buildings of the acropolis are arranged fan-wise around the theatre, serves to increase the splendour and attractiveness of this fascinating structure (Fig. 24).
There remain only a few fragments of the retaining walls, in polygonal masonry, belonging to the original building, which was erected in the first years of the Kingdom on the same incline. Without doubt, the construction attained its most magnificent Hellenistic form during the reign of Eumenes II. The fact that the orchestra and the skene are set up on a terrace with a stoa fits in well with the architectural concepts which first became fashionable in the time of this king.
The auditorium consisted of 80 rows of seats the topmost row of which was 36 metres higher than the level of the orchestra. In order to facilitate exit and entry, the auditorium was divided horizontally into three sections by two wide landings (diazoma); in addition, the lower section was divided into seven and the middle and upper into six parts by wide steps, 0.74 cms. in breadth. The whole theatre could seat 10,000 people. Just above the centre of the lower landing was the king’s box, which was made of marble. All the other rows of seats were of andesite. The stage was made of wood in Hellen¬istic times; it was erected only on the days of performance and was after¬wards dismantled. Three rows of large square holes, in which were fixed the wooden supports holding up the proscenium and the skene, are still in evi¬dence today. There were several reasons for this portable wooden instal¬lation at Pergamon. In the Hellenistic age, architectural structures blended harmoniously with the natural background. Theatregoers did not want the scene before them to be divorced from the outside panorama; it was impor¬tant for them to be able to watch the city and the plain from where they were sitting (Pis. 31 a, 32). There was also a great need for this close link with nature when the festivals of Dionysus, the literature, poetry and music compe¬titions, and other spectacles were held in the theatre at certain times of the year, since these would often go on from morning till nightfall and cover a period of many days. The place where the stage was actually set happened to be on the road leading to the temple of Dionysus (17). Those who wished to go to the temple would pass through a two-arched entrance on the south side, of the theatre terrace (18) and then walk along a road roughly 250 metres in length (PI. 32). The theatre terrace was one of the finest places on the acropolis for meetings and walks. Stretching for 246.50 metres along the west side of the road was a Doric stoa of andesite opening to the terrace and to the outside. On the east side of the road there was another stoa overlooking the terrace; this was also made of andesite, of the Doric order, but had a front only 75 metres long (PI. 32; Fig. 24). Hence, the people of Pergamon could stroll and walk in the roofed stoas or along the road between, or else discuss their daily affairs, as the fancy took them. If they wanted to look at the view, however, they could sit down in one of the theatre rows or else gaze out from the side of the 246.50 metre-long stoa that looked towards the plain of the river Kaikos. These were the rea¬sons why the king and the people did not wish to shut off the centre of this exceptionally beautiful promenade by building a construction of stone or marble. If a permanent stage had been built, it would also have cut off the front view of the temple of Dionysus.
The Temple of Dionysus. (PI. 32; Figs. 29, 33a). Indeed, the kings of Pergamon had the forethought to build this eyecatching temple at the northern end of the nearly 250 metre - long theatre terrace, in such a way that it would dominate the entire length of the promenade, People walking from south to north along the theatre terrace had the opportunity of gazing with pleasure and admiration, for the space of several minutes, at this beautiful building (Pis. 31a, 32; Fig. 29). The temple of Dionysus is a
Fig. 29 - Dionysus Temple of Pergamon (2nd century 8. C.). The best example of a Hellenistic temple set in a dominant position (PI. 32). It represents, with its rear and sides largely hidden from view (in constrast to the four-fronted char¬acter of archaic and classical Greek temples), a new architectural idea, later developed in Roman times. The Dionysus Temple, originally built of andesite, was largely renovated in marble by Caracalla (A. D. 211-217); this emperor was then worshipped there as the “New Dionysus”.
prostyle of the Ionic order, rising on a richly profiled podium, and is in a very good state of preservation, as is its altar. The stylobate measures 11.80 by 20.22 metres. Since it had to conform to the topography of the site, the temple faced south. It was reached by a flight of 25 steps, which rose to a height of 4.5 metres (Fig. 33a). The temple of Dionysus, with its podium, the long flight of steps, its prominent position and with its rear and sides largely hidden from view, is a forerunner of the Roman temple. The building of this work at the point where a long road terminates, and in the form of a monument which is the focus of all eyes, was the first step towards Roman artistic feeling and the understanding of architectural town-planning, as conceived during the Baroque period in Europe, if one takes into account the close relationship between Pergamon and Rome, it might be said that the podium of this temple was inspired by Etruscan art forms. However, the Romans of this period were so much under the influence of Hellenistic artistic styles that the existence of such a counter-influence is open to doubt. Indeed this type of building, exhibiting an accentuated façade and pronounced axiality, is encountered not only at Pergamon but also in the mature stage of the Hellenistic period, i.e., from the second quarter of the 2nd century B. C. on, at Magnesia ad Maeandrum, Miletos, and Priene (Figs. 62, 63, 70, No. 6, 77, No. 20, 79, 80).
The side of the long stoa which faced the terrace was one-storeyed; the side which faced outwards possessed three storeys, and beneath these there was a supporting wall. The lower floors served as a depot and the dismantled sections of the portable stage were kept there.
Viewed from afar, the theatre, the stoas on the theatre terrace and the temple of Dionysus certainly formed an attractive architectural unit. The recurring vertical lines, created by the columns of the monuments and the buttresses of the terrace walls, made a pleasing contrast to the hori¬zontal spread of the acropolis on the extensive hill.
The small building situated between the east stoa and the theatre also dates from the Hellenistic era. Although it is generally thought to be a meet¬ing place for the artistic devotees of Dionysus, the exact function of this structure has not been determined. When Pergamon passed into Roman hands, the theatre underwent alterations. The orchestra, which had been horseshoe-shaped in the Hellenistic period, was now converted into a semi¬circle, and a permanent stage construction was erected in marble. A magni¬ficent multi-tiered façade was added to this same stage during the time of the Roman Empire. Not a trace of this Roman stage construction has sur¬vived to the present day. A gallery which encircled the top of the auditorium and decorated the lower side of the upper terraces was also built in the Ro¬man Empire period. The ruins of the tower seen near the temenos of Athena, on the south-east side of the theatre, date from Byzantine times.
In Roman times, the temple of Dionysus also underwent changes. The pillars at the entrance to the naos and the life-size acroteria were added during the renovations that took place during the reign of Caracalla (21 I - 217). In the course of the same structural restoration, the interior of the temple was also adorned with embellishments in marble. The dedicatory inscription which appeared above the architrave was written in gold-plated bronze lettering. Original fragments dating from the Hellenistic and Roman periods are now kept in the Berlin Museum. The ruler Caracalla was worshipped in this temple under the name of the “New Dionysus”, in gratitude for the services he had rendered to the city of Pergamon.
The Altar of Zeus. The terrace of the Zeus altar was located to the south of the Athena temple, at a level 25 metres below. The altar (Pis. 33-35) rose precisely in the centre of this area, which measured approximately 69x77 metres. The propylon, shown on the general plan in the east sec¬tion of the sanctuary, usually claimed as the entrance to the enclosure, is conjectural. However, access to the altar terrace must have been from this side, because the acropolis road skirted the area, and the terrace was built to correspond to the contours of this thoroughfare. Most probably, the altar proper was exposed on all sides to allow an unimpeded view of the monument; from the altar, the lower city of Pergamon, the Selinus and Ketios rivers and the entire plain could be scanned.
This monument, the most important and largest building on the acro¬polis dating from the Hellenistic period, must have been constructed in the golden age of the kingdom — that is, during the reign of Eumenes II.
The architectural fragments of the altar, as well as all of the high reliefs, were re-used in the section of the Byzantine city wall which extended from the heroon eastward to the upper agora. The discovery of these remains was made in the year 1871, by the German engineer Carl Humann. With the help of the preserved fragments, the altar has now been reconstructed in the Berlin Museum. Today, only the foundations of the altar can be seen on the acropolis (PI. 35a). Below these foundations, houses of early Helle¬nistic date, as well as an apsidal building situated in the eastern part below the altar, have been unearthed.
The altar of Zeus consisted of a marble offering-table, set on a three¬tiered podium, surrounded by a horseshoe-shaped stoa of the Ionic order (PI. 34; Figs. 30-32). Twenty steps on the western side led up to the open rectangular area on which the marble altar was erected. Thus, the monument rose from bottom to top in four stages. The lowest was a 5-stepped crepidoma of nearly square form, measuring 36.44x34.20 metres. On top of this were the three horseshoe-shaped superimposed sections of the building proper. The lowest of these was a podium, the middle a relief frieze and the upper a columned portico in the form of an enclosing wall (PI. 34 b).
Horseshoe-shaped altars closely resembling the Pergamon example were found at Magnesia on the Maeander and at Priene. As the earliest example of this building type, one can mention the altar of the archaic Hera temple at Samos. However, these three altars were associated with temples, unlike the Pergamon monument which, standing alone in its own temenos, was an independent cult building , dedicated to Zeus and Athena and possibly to all the gods. Originally, the Greeks worshipped only in front of an altar. The oldest altar dedicated to Hera at Samos, and the altar of Zeus at Olympia, built before the temple of Zeus, served as places of worship. At Sardis, prior to the erection of the Artemis temple, an altar was constructed which func¬tioned for a century as a cult monument to the goddess (Fig. 44).
Fig. 30 - Zeus Altar of Pergamon, built during the reign of Eumepes II (197-159 6. C.). The largest and most impressive example of a Greek altar (see Pis. 33-35). The reliefs (now in Berlin) depicting the mythological battle between Gods and Giants symbolise the victory of the Pergamene kings over the Galatians. The Altar of Pergamon served as a model for the Ara Pads of Augustus in Rome (see also Fig. 31).
The Pergamene altar was much larger in perimeter and height than the examples at Samos, Magnesia and Priene; it was the largest religious structure built in Hellenistic Pergamon. This altar must be older than those at Mag¬nesia and Priene; it served as a model for the Ara Pacis of Augustus in Rome.
The Pergamene altar was a monument in which architecture and plastic art coalesced most successfully, since here the sculpture did not assume a secondary role but was equal in importance to the structural parts. The battle of the Giants and the Gods was represented in relief on the 120 metre-long and 2.30 metre-high frieze. The altar accordingly gains importance as a monument representing all of the Greek gods assembled; in this res¬pect, it recalls the Hittite open-air sanctuary at Yazilikaya (Fig. 118). The reliefs are on a par with those of Olympia and the Parthenon, being among the most important and beautiful of Greek sculptural works, as well as the most significant artistic achievement of the Hellenistic age.
The walls, which surround the marble altar on the podium on three sides, are decorated with reliefs representing the mythological life of Tele- phos, the son of Heracles, from the day of his birth to the time when he founded Pergamon. The Attalids, claiming Telephos as their forefather, linked their origin to Troy and a heroic demigod, much in the manner of the Romans.
Fig. 31 - Plan of the Zeus Altar of Pergamon. This horseshoe-shaped monument, measuring 36.44 X 34.20 m., rose up in four stages (see also Fig. 30): I) A 5- stepped crepidoma (still in place at Pergamon). 2) A podium. 3) A frieze. 4) A col¬umned portico in the form of an enclosing wall. Twenty steps on the western side led up to the open rectangular area on which the altar proper was erected. Fig. 32 - Column order of the Zeus Altar. The base and the capital are Hellenistic modifications of the classical models created by Pytheos (Fig. 69).
The Pergamene altar is not only a monument of great artistic and mytho¬logical importance but also a tribute to mankind, in the fine humanitarian manner employed to represent a victory over an enemy.
The Agora. Immediately below the altar of Zeus, at the southernmost end of the acropolis, was the site of the upper agora of Pergamon (Fig. 24, No. 21). The north-east and south-west sides of the agora square were each enclosed by an aadesite stoa built in the Doric order. Topographical features dictated that the outward-facing sides of stoas built on a slope should be three-storeyed, and that the inward-facing sides should be only one-storeyed. In order to allow the road to pass from the lower and middle town areas, the south stoa was divided in two. As was customary at Pergamon, the front-facing one-storeyed side of the stoas was built in the form of a colonnade, while the three-storeyed stoas at the back and on the sides were erected as plain walls; at the rear and on the sides, there were doors to the ground floor and windows to the two upper storeys. There were rooms and storage places on the two lower floors.
After passing through the centre of the agora (Fig. 24 No. 21), the road follows the eastern side of the terrace, on which lies the altar of
Zeus (20); it then passes along the north-west side of the heroon (I) and from there turns west to reach the gate to the upper city, i.e. the entrance to the acropolis (Fig. 24, No. 3).
The altar of the agora was in the western part of the square. All that is now visible of a small temple that rose up on the west side of the agora and on the axis of the altar are the foundations, which are 12.30 X 6.70 m. in dimension (Fig. 33b). Judging by the marble fragments of architecture which have been found, this temple was a prostyle of the Doric order; however, the columnar flutes and the bases were in the ionic style. In other words, the temple is a mixture of architectural styles. The podium was approxi¬mately I m. high. A many - stepped stairway was situated on the front
Fig. 33-Temples of the prostyle type at Pergamon: a) Temple of Dionysus (Fig. 24 No. 17), of the Ionic order (11.80 x 20.22 m.); second century 6. C. b) Temple of the upper Agora (Fig. 24 No. 22), of the Doric order intermixed with Ionic elements (6.70 X 12.30 m.); second half of the second century B.C. c) Temple of Hera Basileia (Fig. 34 No. I), of the Doric order (measurements: ca. 7.00 x 11.80 m.) d) Temple of Asklepios (Fig. 34 No. 8) of the Ionic order (9x16 m.); second half of the second century B. C. e) Temple in the Middle Gymnasium dedicated to the worship of Hermes and Heracles and to the cult of the Emperor (Fig. 34 No. 11), of the Corinthian order (7 X 12 m.); second half of the second century 8. C.
face of the temple. All that remains at present of the temple podium are six courses of stone on the long south-west face. The temple was believed to have been dedicated to Dionysus, because the gutter spouts were adorned with the heads of maenads and satyrs. However, since this was a temple for the agora, it is more likely to have been connected with Hermes or Zeus. The temple was erected at the beginning of the time when the Doric and Ionic styles were intermixed, i.e., in the 2nd century B. C., perhaps during the reign of Eumenes II. On the other hand, it can safely be stated that the agora was in existence since the beginning of the Kingdom period. The building to the north-west of the temple also dates from the Hellenistic period. This construction was converted into an apsidal building in the Roman era. The two buildings observed lying midway between the altar of Zeus, the temple of Athena and the heroon were erected at the end of the Kingdom period. The wider of these, lying south of and slightly
below the temple of Athena, was a one-storeyed, two-aisled stoa (19). The narrower of the two, i. e. the one lying to the east of the former and slightly above the heroon (2), was composed of a row of shops, as has been stated above (see p. 384-385).
The Middle City (Fig. 34). As we go down from north to south, the buildings occupying the centre of ancient Pergamon were the sanctuaries of Hera and Demeter, the temple of Asklepios, the gymnasia and the city foun¬tain (Fig. 34). The upper town was more especially the domain of the royal family, the nobility and the military commanders; consequently, it had an air of officialdom. The central district, on the other hand, contained the young people’s sportsfields and the temples frequented by the less well- educated classes, i.e. those buildings which were not directly controlled by the city and the priesthood, and where the populace could come and go without hindrance.
The Temenos of Hera Basileia. To the north of the gymnasia, and about 20 metres above them, stood the temenos of Hera Basileia (Fig. 34, No. I). The temenos dominated the gymnasia from its position on two ter¬races. The temple was built on the upper terrace, the altar on the lower. The temple of Hera, which faced south, was reached by a flight of eleven steps with a balustrade on both sides (Fig. 33c). The andesite wall lying be¬tween the two terraces is in a good state of preservation. The temple was a four-columned prostyle of the Doric order and was a monument intended to be conspicuous from a distance, just like the temple of Dionysus, which had a similar front stairway (PI. 32; Fig. 29). Those parts of the buildings visible from the front, notably the pronaos, were built of marble; some parts were faced with marble, while those hidden from view were of andesite. The cella measured 5.80 x 6.80 metres. From the remains of an inscription, visible on some of the fragments of the architrave still lying in the pronaos, the temple is understood to have been built in the reign of Attalos II (159 - 138) and dedicated to Hera Basileia. To the east of the temple there is a stoa, to the west an exedra. Both of these are of andesite, but their function is unknown. In the north-east corner of the stoa can be seen a “kline” (couch) with three steps leading up to it. The front faces of the stoa and the exedra are in line with that of the temple. Five columns are thought to have stood along the front of the exedra and eight in front of the stoa.
The marble altar to the god Men, which now stands within the exedra, was placed there by the excavators. There is no connection between this altar and the temple of Hera, and it probably used to stand on the upper terrace. Not a fragment of the statue of Hera has come to light. A headless statue, however, has been discovered, and this is now kept in the Istanbul Museum. This fine marble statue resembles the god Zeus, but since the hair remaining on the nape of the neck is short, it is claimed to rep¬resent Attalos II, who commissioned the temple to be built, and not Zeus. Three metopes occurred in the intercolumnar span; the architectural orna¬mentation is carelessly executed, and the standard of workmanship is low, which indicates that the golden age of Pergamon was already on the decline. Excavation has only revealed the decorative border of the mosaics which adorned the centre of the cella. These comprised garlands and wave-like mo- tifs shaped like volutes, both of which were popular in Hellenistic art. A wall enclosed the rear of the temple, the stoa and the exedra, at a distance of 60 cms. It functioned as a retaining wall, holding back the rising ground behind the buildings. The intervening space, which is termed a peristasis in Pergamon, protected the temple from the damp. The building (2) above the sanctuaries of Hera and Demeter is only partially excavated at pre¬sent, and is thought to be the prytaneion (Fig. 34).
The Temenos of Demeter. The temenos of Demeter occupies an area of approximately 100x50 metres, on an extensive rectangular ter¬race (Pis. 9b, 37 a; Fig. 34, No. 3). People coming from the upper gymna¬sium passed through a gate and, having entered a square with a fountain
(5) and a sacrificial pit (6), mounted a flight of five steps a little further on to reach the two-columned propylon (4) of the Demeter temenos (PI. 37a). The fountain and the sacrificial pit were essential features of the Demeter cult and were instituted earlier in the Kingdom period. However, the present-day remains are of renovations and enlargements made in the Roman era.
The two columns of the propylon which constituted the entrance to the temenos of Demeter were re-erected during the excavations (Pis. 9b, 37 a). An inscription found on the frieze of the architrave over this small entrance states that the building of the colonnades and the oikoi in the sanctuary was commissioned by Apollonis, the wife of Attalos I (241 - 197). The andesite columns were of the Doric order (see PI. 37a). Although a start was evidently made on the carving of 20 flutes on the lower portions of these, no opportunity arose to complete them, as in many other cases at Pergamon. The capitals, which were decorated with formal designs of palm leaves, were topped by thin abaci. This type of capital of the archaic period prevailed particularly in the Aeolian region. The reason that such capitals were used in the propylon must have been that Apollonis came from Cyzicus.
A flight of ten steps leads down from the propylon into the temenos (Fig. 34, No. 3). The temple is situated in the western half of the sanctuary, while the altar is more or less in the centre. Both of these are of andesite. Two identical inscriptions, one appearing on the temple architrave and the other on the eastern side of the orthostats forming the north-east corner of the altar, state that these two works were erected by Philetairos (283-263) and his young brother Eumenes, in memory of their mother Boa. The building was a “templum in antis” of the Ionic order, and measured 6.45 X 12.70 metres. A marble frieze adorned with garlands, interspersed with the skulls of bulls, appears on the architrave. The temple was converted into a prostyle during Roman times by marble additions in the Corinthian style to the front façade (Fig. 34, No. 3). The inscription on the architrave relates that the restoration was carried out by Claudius Silianus Aesimus, who belonged to the famous Siliani family of Pergamon and was a contemporary of Antoninus Pius, according to dates obtained from coins. The altar, which measured 2.30 X 7.00 metres, was rather large in relation to the size of the temple. This is an interesting work in that it bore marble volutes on two sides.
Fig. 34-Middle city of Pergamon. I) Temenos of Hera 8asileia. The sacred precinct, probably erected by Attalos II (159-138), contains the Temple of Hera Basileia (Fig. 33 c) of the Doric order, an exedra and a small stoa. 2) Possibly the Prytaneion of Pergamon. 3) Temenos of Demeter (Pis. 9 b, 37 a). This sacred precinct, founded in the early 3rd century 8. C., was enlarged by Apollonis, the
wife of Attalos I (241-197 B. C.) and altered in Roman times. 4) Propylon (entrance) to the precinct with two columns surmounted by palm-leaf capitals (PI. 37 a); commissioned, according to the inscription on the architrave, by Apollonis. The south stoa and the four oikoi (rooms) on the west side were also erected by Apollonis. The temple of Demeter and the altar were erected by Philetairos (283-263) and his younger brother Eumenes in memory of their mother Boa, according to the two identical inscriptions on the temple and altar. This first structure was a templum in antis of the Ionic order. In Roman times, the Pergamenes converted it, with marble additions, into a prostyle of the Corinthian order. In the precinct are to be seen four other altars (B, C, D, E), all dating from the Hellenistic age but showing alterations of the Roman period. A low stoa runs on the north side of the temenos, parallel with the temple and the big altar. The eastern half of the north side of the temenos contains a theatron, consisting of ten rows of seats sufficient for 800 people. The celebrants watched the ceremonies from these seats. 5) A foun¬tain in the shape of an exedra for ablutions. 6) A pit, on the way to the temenos of Demeter, to receive the blood of sacrificed animals. 7) Probably a meeting-house connected with the cult of Dionysus. 8) Temple of Asklepios (see Fig. 33 d). Prostyle of the Ionic order; second half of the second century B. C. The rooms marked N-Z belong to the Roman baths of the upper gymnasium. 9) The upper gymnasium was reserved for young men and ceremonies took place here. It consisted of a courtyard for athletic training,surrounded by colonnades erected in the Hellen-istic age and much renovated in Roman times. In the north-west corner of the upper gymnasium lies the “auditorium maximum” for 1000 people, built during the Roman period. Major ceremonies took place here. The room with two apses marked G was reserved for the Emperor, according to an inscription on an entablature. The rooms to the east (shown in black on the plan) constitute Roman baths associated with the upper gymnasium. No remains of the south stoa of the upper gymnasium have been discovered. However, the basement stadium, lying beneath this stoa, is in a good state of preservation. Athletic races were held here during the summer and winter, while the spring and autumn games took place in the south stoa. 10) Middle gymnasium. This served as the training place for adolescent boys. It was built in the Hellenistic period and underwent internal alterations in Roman times. SI) The gymnasium temple, dedicated to Hermes and Heracles and to the cult of the Emperor, was a prostyle of the Corinthian order, constructed in the second half of the second century B. C. (Fig. 33 e). 12) Stairway entrance, built in the time of Eumenes II. One of the oldest and most beautiful arch-and-vault constructions of the eastern Greek world. S3) City fountain (Eu¬menes ll’s time). 14) Propylon, entrance to the three gymnasia (Eumenes ll’s time). 15) Lower gymnasium, also built during the reign of Eumenes 11, reserved for children. The southern part has completely disappeared; the north side is well- preserved. 16) Main street, built in the Hellenistic age and repaired in Roman times. 17) Shops dating from the Hellenistic period. 18) House of Attalos, erected in Hellenistic times. 19) Lower agora (reign of Eumenes II), surrounded by stoas of the Doric order. The andesite balls exhibited in the courtyard were found in the arsenals. The modern building lying on the west side of the agora is the storage house of the German expedition. 20) A peristyle house, built in the Hellenistic period and altered in Roman times. The modern structure occupying the courtyard of this dwelling is the house of the German archaeological expedition.
There were four other altars in the eastern section of the sanctuary. Two of these lay side by side (B. C), while the other two were one behind the other (D, E). Next to the altar B there was a sacrificial pit, but this is no longer visible. All four altars are attributed to the Kingdom period, and underwent various alterations during Roman times (PI. 9b).
A stoa extended along the south side of the temenos for 91.50 metres. This colonnade had two aisles, formed by a row of columns on each side; one aisle faced in towards the temenos, the other to the south overlooked the plain. The capitals of the columns were decorated with conventional palm leaves, similar to those of the propylon. This stoa, which was built in Hellenistic times by order of Apollonis, was altered by the addition of marble structures, of possibly the Ionic or Corinthian orders, in the Roman era. The basement underlying the south-facing section of the colonnade is in a good state of preservation. Entrance was gained to the basement by gateways opening to the south. In the upper part of the south wall there are slit-like apertures, resembling the loopholes in towers through which arrows are shot. The basement was probably used as a depot for miscel¬laneous articles. The stoa was supported on the south by slanting buttresses, which rose to the level of the basement floor. Even today, the appearance of this buttressed wall is very impressive.
A low stoa runs parallel to the temple and the altar for a distance of 43 metres on the north face of the sanctuary. This must have been built during the initial construction of the temenos. Along the eastward continua¬tion of the stoa for about the same distance, i.e. approximately 42 metres, ten rows of seats comprising the theatron have been unearthed. 800 people could be accommodated on these rows of stone seats. Behind the low stoa, and continuing westwards past the theatron, there was another stoa adjoining both of these structures. This was 80 metres in length and rose up en echelon, resembling a second storey. The rear wall of this stoa is preserved along its entire length. On the west side of the temenos, on the other hand, was built a four-roomed stoa. These four rooms were probably numbered among those oikoi mentioned in the inscriptions concerning Queen Apollonis.
It is possible to state that the chambers lying between the north stoa and the propylon also constituted some of the rooms referred to as “oikoi” in the inscription. If one judges from present appearances, these rooms seem to have been built in Roman times. However, the entrances are of the Hellenistic period, and bear witness to the fact that at least two large rooms existed here in Apollonis’ time. Therefore, some of the rooms known as oikoi are understood to have been built between the north stoa and the propylon, i. e. along the east face of the temenos, during the time of Apollonis.
A close look at the temple and the altar reveals that the east-west axis of the temenos is slightly to the south of centre (Fig. 34). In all probability, the purpose of this asymmetric plan was to give the spectators assembled in the north stoa and on the steps a clear view of ceremonies taking place in front of the temple and altar.
According to the above-mentioned inscriptions, the first temple and altar, which were erected in early Hellenistic times, were devoted solely to the worship of Demeter, whereas, in Apollonis’ time, Kore was worship¬ped as well as Demeter. The prostyle of the Corinthian order, which was built in the time of Antoninus Pius, was dedicated to Demeter Karpophoros and her daughter Kore. This cult, relating to the attractive promises made by the priests of Demeter and Kore concerning life after death, had been widespread among the unenlightened masses in Greece since the archaic period. In Asia Minor, such cults were associated with goddesses such as Cybele and Artemis.The spread of the Demeter cult in Asia Minor began in the Hellenistic era. At Priene too, there was a temple of Demeter con¬temporary with that at Pergamon. The cults of Serapis at Pergamon and Ephesus were similar in character, and they attracted huge crowds of people. Since the educated classes of Hellenistic times had lost their faith in religion, the illiterate masses, deprived of the positive beliefs postulated and deve¬loped by great writers and thinkers, were exploited by ignorant priests, and became the devotees of mystic religions.
The above-mentioned fountain (5) in the shape of an exedra, which lies in the outer court of the temenos and is in line with the south stoa, is connected with the cult of Demeter and Kore, as is also the sacrificial pit
(6) . The Greeks offered up burnt sacrifices to the gods of the heavens, but they slaughtered sacrificial animals to deities of the underworld, like Demeter and Kore, and allowed the blood to flow into a pit, in the manner customary in eastern religions.
The building (7) situated to the southeast of the Demeter sanctuary and north of the temple of Asklepios is considered to be a meeting-house, connected with the cult of Dionysus.
The Temple of Asklepios. The temple (8) which once rose up to the west of the upper gymnasium is now represented only by its andesite foun¬dations. However, with the aid of fragments retrieved from the area, it has been possible to draw a ground plan (Fig. 33 d). The temple is a prostyle of the Ionic order and the stylobate measures 9x16 metres. Nevertheless, architectural remains which have come to light show that,when it was first constructed, the building was of the Doric order, and only later was it res¬tored in the Ionic style. As a result, it can be stated that the first building came into being in the 3rd century or at the beginning of the 2nd century
B. C., whereas the Ionic restoration was carried out in the time of the archi¬tect Hermogenes, when the Ionic style came into fashion, i.e. in the latter half of the 2nd century B. C. Within the cel I a, a platform runs the whole width of the temple in front of the south wall (Fig. 33d). The excavators have suggested that a group of three statues once stood on the projection in the centre of this platform. As the upper part of a statue representing Asklepios was discovered here, the temple is assumed to have been dedicated to this god.
The Gymnasia. Pergamon possessed a magnificent gymnasium built on three separate terraces, one above another (Fig. 34, Nos. 9, 10, 15). Men¬tion is made of the Pais, Ephebos and Neos gymnasia in certain inscriptions which have been discovered. The places where these inscriptions were found indicate that the lower terrace was set aside for children, the middle for adolescent boys and the upper for young men. An alternative name for the upper gymnasium was the Ceremonial Gymnasium. Measuring from the south gate of the city (Fig. 23, No. 3), the height of the lower gymnasi¬um was 50 metres, that of the middle gymnasium 74 metres, while the upper gymnasium was 88 metres in height. These three edifices were built with a special attention to form an importance that increased from the lower to the upper. When we consider how impressive even the present-day remains are, we can appreciate that the general appearance in Greek and Roman times must indeed have been unique in beauty and splendour. The propy¬lon, which was situated alongside the large fountain on the main city thor¬oughfare, constituted the entrance to the three gymnasia. This was the sole entrance to both the lower and the middle gymnasia. However, the upper gymnasium could also be reached by a separate entrance in its eastern side. The three gymnasia date from the time of the Kingdom of Pergamon, and cannot have been built later than the second half of the 3rd century B. C. In Roman times, the greatest changes were made in the upper gymna¬sium, while the middle and lower gymnasia were more or less left in the same condition as they were in the Hellenistic period.
The Upper Gymnasium. The upper gymnasium (9) was erected on a terrace measuring approximately 200 X 45 metres. As has been stated above, the present-day ruins are largely those of restorations carried out during the Roman period. Since the parts dating from the Hellenistic period were constructed solely of andesite while in Roman times only marble was used, it is an easy task to distinguish the work of the two periods. In addition, the constructions of domes, apses and walls made with mortar point to the Roman period. In Roman times, the wall surfaces were covered with marble and marble mosaics.
The main building of the upper gymnasium consisted of stoas, which surrounded a courtyard on four sides. The most important rooms were in the northern stoa. The Asklepios temple, which has been described above, (Fig. 33 c) and the Roman baths, which were constructed during Roman times, belong to the upper gymnasium.
The courtyard, 74 metres in length and 36 metres in width, was made only of earth, since it was used as an athletic training ground. The stoas which surrounded it on four sides were of the Doric order during Hellenistic times, while in Roman times they were of the Corinthian order. Architec¬tural fragments belonging to the styles of both periods have been discovered. As far as can be understood from the style of the architectural ornamenta¬tion of the Roman era, and from the inscriptions found on the fragmentary architrave remains, the ground floors of the stoas which surround the court¬yard were built during the time of Hadrian (A.D. I 17 - 138). On the other hand, the second storey, also of the Corinthian order, proves by its poor craftsmanship to belong to the late Roman period. In some places, fragments of an andesite stylobate of the Hellenistic period can be seen. The marble stylobate, which supported the columns of the Roman period, is preserved in toto on the west and north sides and partially on the east; but, on the south side, not a piece of either the stylobate or the columns has been found.
The beautifully paved semicircular area in the north-eastern corner of the courtyard was used as a wash-place.
Baths were an integral part of gymnasia of the Roman period. Therefore, they had an important position in the cities of Asia Minor. The build¬ings to the west of the gymnasium, indicated by the letters N-Z, are the wash-places erected in the Roman period (Fig. 34). The building marked Y next to the Asklepios temple (8) is nine metres higher than the big building marked X on the south. This shows that the construction was a water tank, built on high ground, and that it supplied water to the baths to the west. This tank was fed by a water-way, which was discovered over the gymnasium. The building U served as a furnace. During Byzantine times, all the western baths were used as cisterns. The buildings marked T, O, N and W are remains of the Hellenistic period (Fig. 34). The three andesite columns and capitals of the Doric order found in the building marked Z were brought from another locality and set up during the Roman period. Apparently, the baths of the Hellenistic period in the upper gymnasium were partially housed in this area. The room marked L, occupying the area behind the stoa is, in fact, the site of a bathroom in the Greek style. Here four marble bath-tubs were found at the foot of the north wall and three at the base of the south wall. As these were at a high level, it is more likely that they were wash-basins. On the other hand, they were also suitable for use as sitting baths, like hip-baths, as was customary among the Greeks. Imme-diately to the right of the entrance, there were two small andesite troughs at ground level for washing the feet. These now lie at the foot of the north wall. Very likely, the three big earthenware vessels (now in fragments) in this room are of the Byzantine period. It is not known what purpose the rooms K and M served in Hellenistic times, though in Roman times the room K was used as a salon attached to the auditorium, the building resembling a theatre. This theatre-like building on the west corner of the north stoa dates from the Roman period. A thousend people could be seated here. Apparently, the building was used mainly as a large auditorium for the gymnasium, since there is no orchestra.
The most important room in the gymnasium (marked H) is the middle room, i.e. the Ephebeion. All major ceremonies took place here. In the Hellenistic period, the façade of this room consisted of four Doric columns made of andesite. In the Roman period, the number of columns was increased ; these were of marble and of the Corinthian order. The marble pillars seen in the rear wall of the room and the pillars of Greek origin taken from build¬ings and re-used during Roman times supported the vault which cov¬ered the enclosure. In the eastern corner can be seen part of a room belong¬ing to the upper floor. According to an entablature inscription, the two- apsed room (G) was the room reserved in the gymnasium for the Emperor. The apses were roofed over with half-domes. It is not possible to say in what manner or with what material the central part of this room was roofed. During the Hellenistic period, this area consisted of two rooms. In Roman times, the dividing wall was removed. The front of this room opened on to the court¬yard through columns with Corinthian capitals. The walls were faced with marble. Marble plaques were attached to the walls with iron nails, and the holes made by the nails can still be seen.
Only the foundations of the small room A in the east stoa remain. It is quite likely that a stairway led up from here to the next storey. The room marked B is in quite a good state of preservation. The east and north walls are fine examples of masonry in polygonal style dating from the Hellenistic age. Two marble columns with Ionic capitals, which stood on the west side, were of the Roman period. A base and a capital belonging to these have been found. The room marked C came into existence when Roman alterations divided it off from the room marked D. During the Roman period, this room (C) connected the eastern baths with the gymnasium. The rooms marked E and F were greatly altered in Roman times. The large room marked F' was built in the Roman period. The baths in the eastern section are quite well-preserved. Many of the rooms were faced with thin marble slabs. Some rooms with empty spaces underneath were equipped with a heating system. Remains of walls belonging to the Hellenistic period have been found in this area containing the eastern baths, thus proving that there were buildings here as far back as Hellenistic times. Although there was some relationship between these buildings and the gymnasia, it has not been possible to establish exactly what their function was.
The south stoa of the upper gymnasium was very probably of the Doric order of the Hellenistic period. However, not a single fragment of this stoa has been discovered. On the other hand, the basement stadium (measuring 210x6.80 metres) lying beneath this stoa is in a good state of preservation. Track races were held during the summer and winter in this basement stadium, while the spring and autumn races took place in the south stoa, which is assumed to have been of the same length. The basement stadium was illuminated by holes in the south wall. These windows resemble the apertures in towers used for shooting arrows in that they are narrow on the outside but widen inwards through the thickness of the wall. At the end of the Hellenistic period, sixty box-like rooms were constructed in front of the basement stadium in order to strengthen the upper gymnasium on the south side. There was no access to these rooms from the outside and they were completely filled in Hellenistic times with soil left over from construction. In this way, the danger that the terrace of the upper gymnasium would slip down and collapse was avoided. However, as the front of the basement stadium was sealed off, it thereafter ceased to be used as a running track and was employed only for storage purposes.
The Middle Gymnasium. This building (10) occupies an area of 150 x 36 metres on a narrow terrace (Fig. 34). The entire length of the terrace on the northern side was occupied by a large stoa built in the Hellenistic period, and this underwent internal alterations during the Roman period. A large area in the eastern half of this stoa is divided up into various rooms. Counting from the east, the sixth of these, called an “exedra” by the excava¬tors, opens between two Doric columns on to the terrace.This room, accord¬ing to an inscription found within, was dedicated to the worship of Hermes and Heracles, who were the gods of physical culture, and to the cult of the Emperor. The foundations of a temple (I I) occupying an area of 12x7 me¬tres have been discovered on the east part of the terrace. It was a prostyle of the Corinthian order with four columns (Fig. 33e). Remains of an altar have also been found on the west side of the temple. The names of the ephebes (the boys) written on the walls of the temple can be traced from the Roman period back to Hellenistic times. Consequently, it follows that the middle gymnasium belonged to the ephebes, and that the temple dates back to the time of the Kingdom of Pergamon. Indeed, the type of work¬manship exhibited in the foundations, the shape of the metal clamps which fasten the stones together and the signatures of some of the masons all point to the Hellenistic period. Without doubt, this temple was of the same type as the agora temple,and that on the theatre terrace, both built in Hellen¬istic times. This is proved by the facts that the front of the prostyle was distinguished by a flight of steps, that the back and one side were in close proximity to other buildings, and, above all, that it was erected in a very conspicuous spot. These features determine that the building must have been constructed in the 2nd century B. C. According to the above- mentioned inscription found in the “exedra” lying opposite the altar, this temple was dedicated to the worship of Hermes and Heracles (the gods of exercise) and to the Emperor. The temple faced west because of its place in the terrain. The siting of the other Pergamon temples is also determined by the topography. The proximity of the entrance to the gymnasium no doubt also dictated the siting of this temple.
The Stairway Entrance. One of the most important constructions in the city of Pergamon is the vault-covered stairway (12) which forms the entrance to both the middle and upper gymnasia. This structure is in a good state of preservation and is very impressive, even in its present condi- tion.The skill with which the walls and the vaulting have been fashioned and, especially, the craftsmanship manifest in the originality of the intersection of the arches at varying heights as they cover the winding stairway are highly impressive. This stairway entrance is one of the oldest and most beautiful arch-and-vault constructions of the eastern Greek world. The view over the plain of Kaikos at the point of exit beneath the vaulted arch is mag¬nificent.
The Propylon. As we leave the bottom step of the vaulted stairway, we find the city fountain (13) on our left, and on our right a tower of Byzantine times and the remains of the lower gymnasium (15). The small open space lying in the form of a curve between the fountain, the lower gymnasium and the main road constituted the site of the entrance (14) to the three gymnasia. A study of the large plan (Fig. 34) and the small plan (Fig. 35a) in which the original lay-out is restored shows that the front wall of the fountain continued in a curve in the form of a quarter-circle to join the south wall of the lower gymnasium. There was a door exactly in the centre of this curved wall. It has been possible to reconstruct a plan of its former appearance through the discovery of the stone door-frame and the marks in the ground of two stone uprights. The rear wall of the propylon, which follows the same curve, can still be seen just to the west of the stair-
Fig. 35 a - Pergamon. The Propylon leading to the Middle Gymnasium and the City Fountain. Reign of Eumenes II.
Fig. 35 b - Pergamon. The South Gate of the city. Reign of Eumenes II.
way leading to the middle gymnasium. From an architectural point of view, this circular propylon, lying between the fountain and the lower gym¬nasium, constituted a very interesting corner of the city and of the main thoroughfare.
The City Fountain. This construction (13) was 21 metres long and 3.15 metres wide (Fig. 35a). The rear wall of the fountain has been discovered at its original level on the western corner. Two blocks belonging to the front wall have been set up in their correct places. People who stood in front of this low wall would dip their pots into the water and fill them. It is possible to see the marks made on the inside of this wall where the utensils have touched it and worn it away. Columns were built into the wall for half their height and then rose free as individual supports (Fig. 35a). These columns, together with a row of twelve others which divided the foun¬tain in two, supported a stone roof about 3 metres in height. It has not been possible to establish to which architectural order this building belonged. However, it is more than likely that the propylon, the stairway construc¬tion and the fountain were built in the time of Eumenes II, when the city underwent such big changes.
The Lower Gymnasium. It has already been stated that the entrance to the lower gymnasium (15) for children was through the propylon on the main street. This gymnasium was 80 metres in length. The ground plan shows what it was originally like, but the southern part has disappeared completely. On the plan in the south-west cornerwe can distinguish five structures shaped like rooms. But these had no doors and were filled with earth, thus showing that they served only as supports. In spite of this, we can see that these roomlike supports, unable to withstand the pressure resulting from the weight of the terrace, collapsed. In contrast, the north side of the gym¬nasium is quite well-preserved. All along this side, supporting structures are built in the form of rooms, but they are again doorless and full of earth. In front of these, perpendicular buttresses were constructed to act
as a second supporting wall. Lists containing the names of young winners of track events occupied some of the niches in the buttressed wall, while others housed statues of those winning greater distinctions. In the fourth niche to the west of the stairway entrance has been found a large stele, dating from the time of Attalos II, on which are inscribed the names of the ephebes of the year 147 B. C. The large towers constructed on the northern walls of the lower terrace, one of which is on the west side of the stairway entrance, were built in the Byzantine period.
The Main Street. After one leaves the gymnasium, the main street (Fig. 34, No. 16) of the city leads down to the lower agora and the entrance in the city walls. The road, which is 5 metres wide, is paved with massive blocks of andesite. On an average, these blocks are half a metre in width and some¬times one metre in length. In many places repair work done in ancient times and canals and drains installed at different periods are in evidence. The stones have been worn away by pedestrians, and chariot wheels have pro¬duced deep grooves.
The Shops. As we go down by way of the main street, the first buildings we come to on the right are 21 shops (17). In one of these was discovered a Roman copy of a herm, the original of which was the work of the sculptor Alkamenes. However, this had probably fallen down from the house of the Consul Attalos. The herm is now in the Istanbul Museum.
A Peristyle House. The house of Attalos (18) is built on the plan of a peristyle. A courtyard, measuring 20 X 13.5 metres, is surrounded on four sides by stoas containing rooms of various sizes (Fig. 34). The house was built in the Hellenistic period and underwent alterations in the Roman era. The mortarless walls of the Kingdom period, fashioned from regularly cut andesite stones, were built following the rectangular or polygonal method. In sharp contrast to this, the Roman walls are built of small, irregular stones, held together with mortar. The stoas surrounding the courtyard had two floors. The lower floor was made of andesite and was of the Doric order, and there were five metopes above every two columns. On the other hand, the upper floor, made of marble, was of the Ionic order. The largest room occupied an area of 10 x 10 metres on the west side of the courtyard. This was the sitting-room, facing southeast and receiving plenty of sunshine. In the Hellenistic period, the large sitting-rooms of houses were called “oikoi”. This type of room can be seen in the houses at Priene (Fig. 74). In the oikos of the house of Attalos, there still exists, at the foot of the west wall, a small part of a triclinium which used to run along the base of three walls; these benches were used for sitting and sleeping. The floor was of marble mosaic. On the west wall at a height of 3 metres a delicate Corinthian niche was to be found. In a small room on the north side of the oikos a flight of stairs rose to the second floor. In the Roman period this was converted into a recess for worship.At the western end of the north wall of this niche stood a herm (i.e., a bust of a god or man surmounting a pillar with a representation of male sex), the bronze head of which was a portrait of the owner of the house. The bronze head has not been discovered, but the stone pillar of the herm still stands in its place. The inscription on the front of the herm states that the owner of the house was a certain Attalos, and that he was a consul. It is understood that the aforementioned herm of Alkamenes, found in one of the shops to the south of Attalos’ house, stood formerly in the neighbourhood of the oikos or near the niche and that it tumbled down from there. In fact, the south-facing side of the house had slipped down and disappeared. The bathrooms of the house, built in the Roman era, were to be found in the basement-like ground floor of the south stoa. Excavations have proved the existence of a bathroom and a pool in the basement. The most westerly of the rooms in the north of Attalos’ house was the bedroom. Here at the foot of the north wall is a wide stone bench where a bed could have been spread out. The second room from the west was a sitting - room attached to the bedroom. The middle room possesses a well-preserved Ro¬man mosaic floor and partially preserved murals of the Roman era. To protect these rooms from moisture and to keep them cool in summer and warm in winter, a second wall was constructed along the entire length of the north side of the house, and between the two walls a “peristasis”, that is, a narrow air-filled corridor was formed. In the centre of the court¬yard is a semicircular cistern of fairly large dimensions. There is another small cistern of semicircular shape in front of the stoa lying on the eastern side of the courtyard. Both of these date from the Roman period; on the other hand, the 5 metre - wide and 13 metre- deep well which is situated be¬tween the two reservoirs and hollowed out in the shape of a beehive is of the Hellenistic era. It is now fitted with a modern cover. Throughout that period this well provided water for the lower agora by means of a channel.
The Lower Agora. The lower agora (19) must have come into being during the enlarging of the city in the reign of Eumenes II. Not only was the upper agora situated on high ground, but it was also reserved solely for affairs of state. These factors made it necessary to construct another agora near the plain. The new market-place must have been built during the first years of Eumenes M’s reign, at the beginning of the 2nd century. The lower agora is a rectangle measuring 64 x 34 metres (PI. 37b; Fig. 34) surrounded by stoas on its four sides. These colonnades, which possessed two aisles, were of two floors, both of which were of the Doric order. On both floors four metopes occurred above every two columns. Shops took up the area in the rear aisle. Following the custom prevalent at Pergamon, the part of the south stoa overlooking the public square was two-storeyed, whereas the back part situated on the sloping land beyond the terrace boasted three floors. In the year 1901, the excavators set up a museum on the west side of the agora. Professor Boehringer has now had the museum demolished and a fine storage place put up in its stead. Many archaeological finds are housed in this depot. Murals of the late Hellenistic period have been discovered in a room in the north-west corner. The splendid head of Alexander (PI. 25), now in the museum in Istanbul, was found buried in the earth covering these rooms. The body to which this head belongs has nevertheless not come to light, but the complete statue with the head is believed to have stood in one of the houses higher up the slope. The andesite shot now exhibited in the lower agora was found in the arsenals, as mentioned above, and placed here. A well, situated in the centre of the agora, supplied all the water needed.
As has been stated previously, the water used to come from the big well in the house of Attalos. In Byzantine times, a small church occupied the courtyard of the agora. This church, with a nave, two aisles, an apse on the east side and a courtyard on the west side,was a basilica of the Asia Mi¬nor type and was built in the fourth century A. D. A peristyle house built in the Hellenistic era and altered in Roman times lies to the west of the agora on a higher terrace, but the southern part of this has slipped down and has been totally lost. On the other hand, the walls on the north side still stand 6 to 7 metres high. The German archaeological expedition is now housed in a building occupying the courtyard of this dwelling. During recent years, peristyle houses of the Hellenistic period have been excavated on the west side of the lower agora. These houses continued to be used in Roman times after undergoing alteration, and fine bronze statuettes have been found in them. The art objects mentioned are now kept in the Pergamon Museum.
The South Gate of the City. In the reign of Eumenes II, the city walls enclosed the upper, middle and lower districts of the city. Access to the city was gained through a big gate in the western city wall. The entrance to the city was a courtyard measuring 20 x 20 metres. It was fortified on three sides by the towers marked R, K and E (Fig. 35 b). Those desirous of entering the city went through the gate M into the courtyard and' passed into the city via gate N. It is understood that this unusual method of entering the city arose from the fact that there was a bend in the main road at this point. The architect managed to make this complicated entrance interesting and attractive by building a portico in the eastern part of the courtyard. As people either passed into or out of the city via the south gate, a row of ele¬gant columns appeared before them. Of these, the five in the middle of the row were complete columns, while one on each side of these was a half¬column, all the columns being octagonal. The multi-cornered small square, created by means of the towers R and K, together with the gate M, was another attractive architectural feature of Pergamon.
The Temple of Serapis (Fig. 36). The largest building in ancient Per¬gamon was the temple dedicated to the Egyptian gods, which was constructed of red bricks and which is known popularly as the “Red Courtyard”. Formerly the lower parts of the building were surrounded by colonnades, while in the case of the upper parts the old brick structure was not visible, since it was faced with marble of various colours. The marble bands in the upper part of the building are still in place today. The temple, together with the large courtyard lying in front of it, covers an area of 260 x 100 me¬tres. The main structure of the temple consists of a building of the basilica type with one nave, two aisles and one apse (Fig. 36). Two identical and sym¬metrical buildings with courtyards on their western sides and big round towers on their eastern sides are situated one to the north of the basilica, one to the south. The temple and the two towered buildings open on to a courtyard measuring 200 x 100 metres. One of the rivers of Pergamon, the Selinus, ran beneath this big courtyard along two vaulted canals, then, as it does now. The large fragments of twice life-size statues of 'Egyptian
Fig. 36 - Pergamon. The Temple of Serapis. Reign of the Emperor Hadrian (A. D. 117-138).
type, which were found in the south round-towered building and which still stand there, ^prove that the temple was set apart for Egyptian religious practices, which were coming into fashion in the second century A. D. in the Roman world. The pools to be observed within the temple and in the two buildings with towers, and which were used for ritual bathing, i. e., for ablu¬tions, and therefore not in accordance with Greek or Roman practices, are a further indication of the existence of a foreign religion. The statues are thought to have occupied positions as supports for the colonnades of the round-towered buildings. The statues are interesting, in that one side of each is carved as an atlant (a male figure) and the other as a caryatid (a female figure). The fact that the temple, with its array of Egyptian-type statues, faces towards the west leads one to think that it was dedicated to Serapis, the god of the underworld, and also to the associated goddess Isis and the god Harpocrates. The temple was erected in the reign of the Emperor Hadrian. During the Byzantine era, the main building was conver¬ted into a church and dedicated to St. John the Apostle.
The Roman City. The region lying between the River Selinus (the Bergama Çay) and the Asklepieion was settled in Roman times. Here on the Merak, a tributary of the Selinus, a theatre to hold 50,000 people was erected. Slightly to the south are the remains of a Roman theatre which had a seating capacity of 30,000, The imposing arch called the Viran (i. e. Ruined Gate) is the only part of this theatre still standing. Tumuli of both the Hellenistic and the Roman periods can be seen as one leaves the present- day town of Bergama. The largest of these reaches a height of 35 metres.
The Archaeological Museum. The first archaeological museum in Turkey devoted wholly to discoveries made during local excavations was set up at Bergama. A great number of the works of art found during excavation are housed here, in addition, other archaeological treasures
found in the surrounding area are also exhibited in this museum. Among those worthy of mention are an archaic statue found at Pitane (present- day Çandarh) and fine earthenware statuettes discovered at Myrina. All the works of art in the museum are well arranged and supplied with detailed labels of explanation. The town also possesses a rich Ethnographical Museum.
The Asklepieion (Asclepieum). The Asklepieion at Pergamon rank¬ed equally in importance with the therapeutic centres of the same type at Epidauros and Kos in ancient times. According to Pausanias, the first temple of Asklepios was set up during the first half of the fourth century B. C. Excavations ha/e also proved that the sacred precinct had existed since the fourth cen;ury, and developed during the Hellenistic period. How¬ever, the Asklepieion at Pergamon attained its most glorious heights in the second centun' A. D.
in Roman times, the Asklepieion was approached by a sacred way. This road was 820 metres in length. It began in the Roman city as a narrow road lined with columns, then passed by the Roman theatre and, continuing further on as a wide and magnificent road, finally reached the Asklepieion. in recent years, the whole of the second and more important sector of the sacred way has been exposed as a result of excavations under the direction of Erich Boehringer (Fig. 37). The latter sector, flanked by colonnades, is
Fig. 37 - Pergamon. Via Tecta. Colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion. Roman Imperial Age.
140 metres in length and 8.34 metres in width, or 18.14 metres in width if the areas with colonnades are also taken into account. Close to the mid-point of this colonnaded street and overlooking the south colonnade, a round building which is doubtless a sepulchral monument, has been discovered (Fig. 37). The craftsmanship exhibited in this work of art, which most probably was erected in the Augustan age, is very fine. Towards the end of this same sector of the road and situated in the north colonnade is a fountain which was built at a later date than the road. During the excavation of this
section, very beautiful statues and reliefs of the Hellenistic and Roman peri¬ods were unearthed. The most important of these is the splendid Hellenistic head (PI. 38) mentioned above. The colonnaded road winds its way to the courtyard of the propylon (Fig. 38). The reason why the road twists in this fashion is that it has been in existence since the fourth century and, as was the case in Greek times, no attention was paid to building roads in straight lines. The courtyard, which is flanked on three sides by colonnades, is built in the Corinthian order. A propylon with four Corinthian columns stood in the west part of the entrance courtyard. The pediment which these columns supported and which now lies on the ground in the north-eastern corner of the courtyard bears an inscription to the effect that one Claudius Charax commissioned the building of the propylon. The front face of the propylon (Fig. 38) is built in the style of temple façades with a flight of steps which had persisted in Pergamon since the Hellenistic era (PI. 32; Fig. 33). Today only two steps of the propylon are preserved.
The Asklepieion is an open space 110 x 130 metres in dimension, with stoas on three sides and various buildings on the east side (PI. 39 a; Fig. 38). To the right of the foot of the stairs leading down from the inner gate of the propylon, was a small niche for worship which survives now only in its lower part (10). The square building next to this is the Emperor’s room and was also used as a library (I I). The statue of Hadrian which stood in the central niche in the east wall is now in the museum at Bergama. Hadrian was depicted naked as a deified emperor. The pedestal bears an inscription saying that the donor of this statue of the “god” Hadrian was Melitine. Formerly, there were shelves in the recesses seen in the north, east and south walls. They were used for storing manuscripts. The floor of the salon was paved with marble of various colours. The walls were decorated with col¬oured incrustations. There were windows above the niches. In those times, transparent marble or alabaster was used for window panes. The roof was made of wood.
The north colonnade (12) is very well-preserved (PI. 40 a). It is built in the Ionic style. Ten of the columns nearest the library collapsed during the earthquake of A. D. 175 which caused so much damage in western Asia Minor. The new columns were of the Composite order. These were placed upon pedestals, since they were of insufficient height. The rear wall of the stoa was covered with a rich marble incrustation. In contrast to this, because it was necessary for the patients to be able to walk barefoot during certain rites, the floor of the stoa was made of earth just like that of the big court¬yard.
The theatre in the Asklepieion (13) had seating accommodation for 3500 people (PI. 39 b). The auditorium was semicircular in shape, as was the case in Roman theatres, and, also in accordance with Roman custom, the highest row of seats was crowned with a low gallery of the Ionic order. However, the auditorium was situated on a steep slope in the Greek manner. The first three rows below the middle row were reserved for per¬sons of rank. The stage was three-tiered. The western stoa (14) was also of the Ionic order and the rear wall was covered with marble incrustations.
The central door of the stoa (15) opened on to buildings at a higher level on the west side of the courtyard. Here in 1967 the Germans uncovered a stoa in Doric style, which had two aisles and was 104 m. long and aligned from east to west. The function of the building (16) opening on to the colon¬nade close to the stairway is unknown. !t is possible, that the large room at the corner of the south and west stoas (17) was used for conferences or meetings. The other two rooms (18, 19) at the same corner were lavatories; the smaller was reserved for women, the larger for men. In the middle of the larger room, four Corinthian columns supported the ceiling, which had apertures for ventilation and illumination. The floor was beautifully paved with marble. The men’s lavatory was surrounded on all four sides by forty marble seats. The Corinthian capitals in this room are the finest of those found in the Asklepieion. In the women’s lavatory, the number of seats was limited to seventeen and it was a simple room devoid of decoration.
The south stoa (20), unlike the other two stoas which were constructed on the earth itself or on rock, was built over a basement with columns. This stoa must have belonged to the Ionic order but no traces of it have been found. The basement possessed two aisles and, like other basement con¬structions of Hellenistic times, served as a support.
Let us now turn to those buildings in the Asklepieion which were con¬cerned with religious worship and medical treatment. We learn of the meth¬ods of treatment at the Pergamene health centre from various inscriptions and more especially from the writings of the orator Aelius Aristeides, who stayed there for thirteen years around the middle of the second century
A. D. During these years when the Pergamene Asklepieion was at the height of its glory, famous physicians such as Satyros and Galenos lived here and gave lessons. Generally speaking, various methods used in physio¬therapy at the Asklepieion are still applicable today. The most important of these were water and mud baths, massage, the use of medicinal herbs and the application of ointments. In addition, the drinking of sacred water, courses of abstention from food and drink, colonic irrigation and running barefoot in cold weather were prescribed. Auto-suggestion and incubation played important roles in treatment. Judging by what we learn from the orator Aelius Aristeides, the type of treatment was determined by the patients’ dreams. Probably these were induced by means of suggestion. For this purpose, specially constructed sleeping-rooms were provided (27, 28). Rites were held in the theatre described previously and the patients underwent treatment involving therapy accompanied by music.
There were three pools or fountains at the Asklepieion designed for bathing and drinking. The site of one of these (23) is at a spot opposite the theatre, close to the north stoa (PI. 39a; Fig. 38). This marble structure is of the Roman period; the patients sat on the lower steps inside the bath and washed themselves. The water in this pool came from the sacred spring. Chemical analysis has shown this water to have radioactive properties. Very likely, the crack in the rock (24) was the site of the sacred spring. In ancient times, the water issuing from this spring was considered to have healing properties. The neighbouring round hollow is thought to be the
Fig. 38 - The Asklepieion of Pergamon. General view. I) End of the colonnaded street (Fig. 37). 2) Courtyard of the propylon. 3) Propylon commissioned by Clau¬dius Charax. Reign of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (A. D. 138-161). 4) Place for religious festivities. 5) Niche for worship. 6) Temple of Asklepios, erected by the Consul L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus, about A. D. 150. This cylindrical temple, preceded by a colonnaded entrance, was covered with a dome in the form of a half-globe measuring 23.85 m. in diameter. It was a small replica of the Pantheon, built in Rome twenty years earlier and supporting a dome 43.50 m. in diameter. 7) Cistern. 8) Peristyle building. 9) This building, probably reserved for medical treatment, is a two-storeyed cylindrical structure 26.50 m. in diameter, with six
apses inside and covered by a wooden roof overlaid with tiles. Second half of the second century A. D. 10) Niche for worship. !l) The Emperor's room, which served also as a library. The naked statue of Hadrian kept in the museum at Bergama used to stand in the central niche in the east wall. Formerly there must have been shelves in the recesses seen in the north, east and south walls for storing manuscripts. 12) The north colonnade, built about the middle of the second century
A. D. in Ionic style. Ten of the columns nearest the library, standing on high pedes¬tals and surmounted by composit capitals, were built after the earthquake of
A. D. 178. 13) Roman theatre, built on a steep slope in the Greek manner, with accommodation for 3500 people. 14) The western stoa (second century A. D.) was also in Ionic style. 15) The central door of the stoa opened on to a Doric col¬onnade, discovered in 1967. 16, 17) Rooms probably used for meetings. 18, 19) Lavatories for ladies and gentlemen. 20) South Stoa (second century A. D.), built over a colonnaded basement. 21) Tunnel leading to the treatment building, Ro¬man in date. 22) Pool, built in Hellenistic times, with running water for drinking purposes. It was roofed like a house. 23) Fountain, built in Roman times for bathing and drinking purposes. The patients sat on the lower steps inside the pool and washed themselves with radioactive water coming from the sacred spring. 24) The crack seen in the rock today is very probably the site of the sacred spring. 25, 26) Rectangular outlines in the rock probably show the traces of the temples of Apollo Kalliteknos, Asklepios Soter and of the goddess Hygieia, all three mentioned in written documents and built in the Hellenistic age. 27, 28) Sleeping-rooms, specially constructed in Hellenistic times for incubation and auto-suggestion, which were two important methods of psychiatric treatment in Pergamon. 29) Pool, probably used for mud-baths mentioned by the rhetorician Aristeides, who lived about A. D. 150 in Pergamon. 30, 31) Remains of colonnades surrounding the temenos of Asklepios; Hellenistic age.
hole dug to accommodate the roots of the sacred plane-tree mentioned by Aristeides.
The pool (22) lying to the west of the entrance to the tunnel, was a source of running water considered safe for drinking purposes. The occur¬rence of andesite as the building material and the excellent workmanship exhibited in the walls reveal that this structure originated in the Hellenistic era. The water coming from the sacred spring flowed into the pool through a spout fashioned in the shape of a lion’s head. Water was taken from the pool in buckets. The walls of the pool rose vertically and the top was roofed over like a house, thus guaranteeing that the water remained pure. A small pool (29), referred to by the excavators as the rock-fountain, lay close to the exact centre of the west stoa (PI. 39 a; Fig. 38). This was a pool carved out of rock. Marks seen in the rock on the four sides of the pool indicate that it also was formerly roofed over. The fact that the stone of the pool is consi¬derably worn away shows that it was used a great deal. In the winter and spring months and the wet seasons, this and neighbouring areas were easily reduced to a muddy state. The mud-baths referred to by Aristeides are thought to have been taken in this pool.
The patients believed that the god Asklepios would restore them to good health. For this reason everything in this area was regarded as sacred. According to what can be gathered from the writings of Aristeides, the big courtyard was occupied by temples consecrated to Asklepios Soter, Apollo Kalliteknos, and the goddess Hygieia, and by a room dedicated to the cult of Telesphoros. In the rocky square to the south of the marble pool (23), rect¬angular outlines (24-26) big enough to have formed the foundation of each small temple are in evidence (PI. 39a). It is reasonable to suppose that these three temples were built here in Hellenistic times and continued to be used throughout the Roman period (Fig. 38).
In all probability, the so-called incubation apartments were situated to the south of the area where these temples lay. The room indicated by the excavators on the plan by the number 27 is almost certainly of the Hellenis¬tic period, while the front one of the group marked 28 seems to have been enlarged in late Hellenistic times for use as the “sleeping apartments”. The whole area surrounded by walls and rooms was the site of the Hellen¬istic temenos of Asklepios. The walls marked 30 on the plan constituted part of the south stoa of the Hellenistic age; that marked 31 formed the east stoa, while the one across from the latter wall belonged to the west stoa.
The area containing the sacred pools and fountains, the temples and the sleeping - apartments was connected to the “treatment - building” by a tunnel (21). This tunnel, built in Roman times, was 80 metres long. The fact that the sleeping-apartments were connected to the house of treatment shows that they too played a part in the psychiatric cure. A tunnel such as this created a very suitable atmosphere for psychiatric treatment based on moral encouragement. Moreover, the patients were able to cool off inside the tunnel during the heat of summer.
The tunnel led to the ground floor of the house of treatment. This two- storeyed round building (9) was made rather later in the Roman period than the temple of Asklepios (6), which we shall examine later. It lay in a dip in the ground and its second floor was just above the ground level of the main courtyard. The lower floor is very well-preserved. The second and main floor of the building possessed two entrances : one on the side of the south stoa and the other directly opposite on the south-east side. The interior of the main building, which is cylindrical, is 26.5 metres in diameter. There are six apses situated round the periphery of this circular edifice. These apses are lower than the cylindrical body of the building, and the main part of the Structure rises above the apses in the shape of a drum. This type of round building surrounded by apses became a model for the Byzantine age. The walls and the floor of the room with apses were covered with marble mosaics. The roof was not domed but constructed of wood overlaid with tiles.
The most important and most beautiful building to be found at the Asklepieion was the temple of Asklepios (6). L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus, who was Consul in 142, had the building erected in 150 at his own expense. The west and main face of the building is modelled in the style customary at Pergamon since the Hellenistic period (Fig. 33). The fact that the part of
the propylon (3) overlooking the courtyard was also decorated with a simi¬lar temple façade gave the eastern side of the Asklepieion a beauty, in com¬plete harmony with the Roman architectural concept. These two-staired en¬trances, together with the intervening niche reserved for worship, formed, without doubt, an extremely attractive ensemble of architectural façades. The main part of the temple was cylindrical in shape and the top was covered with a dome in the form of a half-globe. There was a hole for illumination in the middle of the dome. The diameter of the dome was 23.85 metres. The walls were three metres in thickness. The interior walls of this circular building arouse a pleasant feeling of rhythmic movement, created by the device of alternating rounded and angular niches, seven in all. The floor and the walls were decorated with coloured marble mosaics.
In the centre, a statue of Asklepios occupied the niche directly opposite the entrance. The remaining recesses were also occupied, by statues of the gods of health and associated deities. The colonnaded entrance in front of the temple of Asklepios, with its cylindrical main body and half-globed dome, is a small replica of the Pantheon, built in Rome twenty years previ¬ously. The dome of the Pantheon, being 43.5 metres in diameter, is twenty metres bigger than that of the temple of Asklepios. Nevertheless, the build¬ing at Pergamon, displaying an extremely high quality of workmanship is an exceptional work of art. The painstaking labour manifest in the andesite blocks is proof that the art of masonry of Hellenistic times was still alive. The descendants of those Pergamene stonemasons who, three hundred years before, had fashioned the stairway entrance to the middle gymnasium with its vaults and arches still understood how to produce work of high quality in a truly artistic manner. The temple of Asklepios was Roman in form and style, but Greek and Pergamene in expression and spirit.
AIOLIS
The coastal region of western Anatolia lying between Izmir and the Bay of Edremit was known as Aeolis. Herodotus counts twelve Aeolian cities to correspond with those in Ionia. Nevertheless, the number of cities in this area must have greatly exceeded this. The most famous Aeolian cities are the following : Lesbos, Pitane, Elaea, Gryneion, Myrina, Aigai, Kyme, Neonteichos, Temnos, Larisa and Smyrna. Although the last city was founded as an Aeolian settlement, it was later inhabited by the people of Kolophon and absorbed into the Ionian League.
According to ancient sources, Aeolis was founded before Ionia by the descendants of Agamemnon. Lesbos appears to have been its most important centre. During the 7th century B. C. there was an immigration from Mytilene and especially from Methymna on this island to the opposite shores of Asia Minor. Since the inhabitants of the Aeolian cities were primarily engaged in agriculture, they did not play a large role in history. However, they were in the forefront in the fields of music and poetry. Sappho, Alkaios and Terpander, the inventor of the 7-tone scale, all came from Lesbos.
Going from north to south, the Aeolian cities which have yielded ruins and finds associated with archaeological excavation are Pitane, Myrina, Aigai, Kyme and Larisa (Buruncuk).
CANDARLI (PITANE)
At Pitane, vases and other small works of art from the archaic cemetery of the town, and of various dates between 625-500 B. C., have been discovered during excavations conducted by the present author. The finest and most plentiful specimens of Chian pottery yet found were unearthed on this site. Moreover, a large number of vases of orientalizing style, which were fashioned in the first half of the 6th century in western Asia Minor, have also been brought to light. The most important of these works are exhibited in the rooms devoted to vases on the top floor of the Istanbul Museum. Another fine if smaller collection is also displayed in the Izmir Museum. The works discovered during the initial exploratory excavation are now in the museum at Bergama; in addition, an archaic statue discovered before the excavations is housed in the same museum. One of the best preserved castles in Turkey is situated at £andarli, which is noteworthy for its beautiful bathing beaches. The castle was first built in the 13th or 14th century by Genoese knights and subsequently underwent renovations by the Turks, probably in the second half of the 15th century; this made it strong enough to withstand onslaught from weapons using gunpowder. The talus which encircles the base of the building was added at this time. The structure underwent further changes in 1814, and in 1955 it was restored according to its original style. Some fine blocks of stone taken from the city walls of the Greek period can be observed in the lower parts of some of the walls.
Myrina and Kyme. Hellenistic terracotta statuettes of great beauty, which were discovered at Myrina during excavations conducted by the Turks and the French within the last hundred years, can be seen in the Louvre and the Istanbul Museum, and a fine collection of similar works unearthed in the last few years is also on view in the museum at Bergama.
Since there are no visible remains in the ruined districts of Myrina and Kyme, only archaeologists would find it worthwhile to tour these two sites. On the other hand, the ruins at Aigai, especially those of the agora, are well - preserved. However, the climb up to Aigai is very difficult under present-day conditions.
LARISA
Field research at Larisa was begun by Swedish archaeologists in 1902 and continued as a German and Swedish joint dig from 1932 until its termina¬tion in 1934. The excavations carried out at Larisa are among the most fruitful field researches undertaken in western Anatolia. Architectural fragments of the archaic period discovered here have been sent to the Izmir Museum, while the terracotta revetments and pottery were conveyed to the Istanbul Museum.
It is very surprising that no Hellenic finds have been recovered at Larisa of a date earlier than the 7th century B. C. Especially now, when protogeo¬metric pottery is being discovered in profusion at such places as Izmir and Foça, one is right to share the opinion of John Cook who believes that ancient Larisa must have been situated not here but elsewhere. In spite of this, the results of the discoveries pertaining to the archaic period are, as has been stated above, of great importance. The finds at Larisa are the most distinguish¬ed examples of the architecture of Aeolis in the 6th, 5th and 4th centuries, known at the present time. After the unparalleled beauty of the Bayraklı walls (i.e. those of ancient Izmir), which were built in the 7th and 6th cen¬turies, we observe the continuation of the same tradition at Larisa.
Although grass covers the remains of buildings on the Larisa hill, those who climb it will have the opportunity of seeing some fine wall structures. The state of the Larisa acropolis as it was in 330 B. C. is shown on the accom-panying plan (Fig. 39). Close examination reveals that the palace building in the north is a peristyle house with megarons on two sides. Similar peristyle dwellings exist at Priene (Fig. 74), but the pattern at Larisa is a continuation of the system that began in Troy II (Fig. 15) and survived at Tiryns and Gor- dion (Fig. I 17), in which the megarons are arranged in rows, side by side. Here in a city where tyrannic rule prevailed, tradition had a stronger hold. On the plan, we can recognize a second peristyle house of smaller dimensions. Here again we observe a megaron complex. This second peristyle house, with two rooms in the rear like the megaron to the north, was constructed
Fig. 39 - Larisa. Palaces. About 330 B. C.
in 500 B. C. Later, in about 450, three oikoi each with two columns, were added, one on each of the three sides, and thus a peristyle house came into existence. The same peristyle dwelling continued to be used as it was up to 330, except that, as can be seen from the plan, the oikos on the west side (marked “a” on the plan) was converted into a megaron, while the oikoi on the south and east sides were left in their original condition. It is interesting to observe that, in the palaces at Pergamon, megaron-type rooms (Fig. 26) have completely disappeared, and their place is taken by sunnier and better ventilated rooms, which are not so deep.
IONIA
The central part of the western Anatolian coastal region lying between the bays of Izmir and Bargylia, including the off-shore islands of Samos and Chios, forms the area known as Ionia. However, this term is usually employed to embrace a larger region of west Anatolia and the islands in the vicinity. The names of the twelve cities given by Herodotus are these : in the south, Miletos, Myus and Priene; in the central region, Ephesus, Kolophon, Teos and Lebedos; in the north, Erythrai, Klazomenai, Phokaia and the islands of Samos and Chios.
From the fact that the chief deity among the majority of the Ionian cities was Athena, we conclude that the various Hellenic centres on the coast of Asia Minor, arising from immigration to Ionia, were sponsored by Athens. Athena was revered as the chief goddess in the cities of Miletos, Priene, Phokaia and Klazomenai. We have recently discovered that Athena was also considered the most important deity in the cities of Erythrai and ancient Smyrna. It is now also clear, from the fact that the protogeometric and the geometric pottery of Bayraklı (ancient Izmir) resembles the type found in Athens, that there were close links between these cities. In this way, the recorded belief that the Ionian immigration was led by Neleus, the son of the legendary King Kodros of Athens, accompanied by some of his other children, has been confirmed.
Evidently the Ionian immigration was caused by the Dorian incur¬sions which swept down the Greek peninsula. For this reason, the first Hellenic settlement in Asia Minor must have begun in the 10th century B. C. Indeed, the protogeometric pottery discovered during excavations at Bayraklı supports this date.
The twelve Ionian cities, including ancient İzmir, formed a federation call¬ed the Panionion, which doubtless had political objectives. Seeing that Smyrna joined the federation not later than the beginning of the 8th century B. C., the Panionion cannot have been founded later than the 9th century.The Panionion met in the sacred precinct associated with Poseidon Helikonios, in the locality of Güzel Çamlı, at the foot of Mt. Mykale. During his excavations in the district in 1957-8, G. Kleiner brought to light an edifice which must have been an altar. Kleiner proved that the altar he discovered dates from the end of the 6th century B. C. The structure, built in the form of a theatre with eleven steps and carved out of rock, is believed to have been the meeting house for the Ionian city delegates. From the very first day the Panionion was founded, a centralized organization was created which ensured the development of the Ionian cities. Owing to this federation, the lonians not only created one of the most brilliant cultures in the history of the world but also, by ensuring their political unity, extended their area of settlement and their sphere of influence. The first step in the expansion of Ionia was the settlement of Smyrna by the people of Ko- lophon and Phokaia by the inhabitants of Teos and Klazomenai. This outward-spreading movement led to even greater expansion when, at the beginning of the 7th century, the lonians founded such cities as Kyzikos, Lampsakos and Abydos in the Propontis (the area around the sea of Mar¬mara). From the second half of the 7th century on, it took the form of large- scale colonial activity around the Black Sea and the Mediterranean.
As described in Part One, the most glorious period of the Ionian cities commenced in the second half of the 7th century, after the establish¬ment of the colonies; but the golden age did not reach its peak until 600-545 B. C. In this period, the cultural leadership of the ancient world shifted from the Near East to the Ionian centres. The Ionia of this period led the world not only in the exact sciences and philosophy but also in the architectural and sculptural arts.
After the Achaemenid King Kyros defeated Kroisos, the king of Lydia, the Persian commander Harpagos seized many of the cities in western Asia Minor (545-540 B. C.). Following this, only one Ionian city-state remained independent in the real sense of the word; this was Samos, ruled by the tyrant Polycrates. In 522, Polycrates was killed, after being am-bushed by the Persian governor Oroites at Magnesia ad Maeandrum. From then on, leadership passed from Samos into the hands of Miletos, a partly independent state. However, the lonians were no longer able to bear a system of government founded on the harshness of the Persians and enforced by tyrants, and in 499, Miletos led them in a rebellion which resulted in the destruction of Sardis. Not long after, however, the Persians first retal¬iated by annihilating the Ionian navy, consisting of 353 ships, off the small island of Lade. At that time this was west of the city of Miletos, though now it is only a hummock surrounded by the clay soil brought down by the River Maeander. Then, in 494, they set fire to the city of Miletos and reduced it to ashes. The fact that Athens and Eretria had joined forces with the lonians in their attack on Sardis caused the Persians to retaliate by destroying the Athenian acropolis in 480. Nevertheless, in the following year, 479, when they had gained thei r final victory at Plataea, the forces from the Greek homeland and the lonians defeated the remaining Persian fleet at Mykale. Thus the Ionian cities regained their freedom. Thanks to the Delian League, which was formed in the same year, the whole of western Asia Minor, being allied to Athens, maintained its independence until 412. For the next century, until the time of Alexander the Great, the Ionian cities were mostly under Persian rule or control. At the beginning of the Hellenistic period, western Asia Minor became, for the second time, a world-leading cultural centre, and saw the emergence of densely populated wealthy cities as Ephesus, Pergamon and Smyrna, developed by the organized planning efforts of Antigonos and Lysimachos. In Roman times, Ionia belonged to the province Asia. Throughout this era too, the Ionian cities experienced glorious days and, with the other cultural centres of Asia Minor, were instrumental in preparing for the dawn of the Christian faith and the birth of Byzantine art.
FOÇA (PHOKAIA)
This city was the most northerly of the Ionian settlements and is situated in the Aeolian region. According to ancient writers, the Phokaians, directed from Athens, set up their first settlement on land given by the people of Cyme. The great quantity of grey pottery found during the excavations in Phokaia by the present author indicates that, like the Cymaeans, these first inhabitants were Aeolians. According to Pausanias (VII, 3, 8), lonians later came to Phokaia from Teos and Erythrai and settled there. The protogeo¬metric pottery discovered during excavations shows that the lonians had probably lived at Phokaia at least since the end of the 9th century. From this we can deduce that the city of Phokaia was accepted into the Panionion after the lonians settled in the area, at this early date.
The Phokaians were famed as navigators. Instead of big-hulled cargo boats, they employed 50-oared vessels capable of achieving great speed and carrying 500 passengers. Phokaian merchants took part in the flourishing of Ionian trade with Naukratis in Egypt and, in association with Miletos, they set up Lampsakos, at the northern entrance to the Dardanelles, and Amisos (Samsun) on the Black Sea. However, Phokaia actually established its major colonies in the western Mediterranean. The most important of these cities were Elea (Velia) on the western coast of Lucania in Southern Italy, Alalia in Corsica, Massalia (Marseilles) in France and Emporion (Ampurias) in Spain. Nice (Nicaea - Nizza) and Antibes (Antipolis) in the south of France were the “grandchildren” of Phokaia because they were set up by Marseilles. Thus Phokaia became the metropolis for some European cities. The city of Elea (Velia), founded by the Phokaians in southern Italy, produced a new wave of philosophy, with thinkers such as Parmenides and Zeno, and it became a cultural centre where these two important philosophers lectured.
*As Herodotos relates, Phokaia possessed a very fine city wall. The building of this beautiful wall (pi. ...), which was erected to ward off the Persians, was financed by King Argonthonius of Tartessos in Andalusia, who was a great friend of the Phokaian traders. In 546 B.C., however, the Persians captured Sardis and, within a short time, devastated the majority of the cities in western Asia Minor, Phokaia among them. According to Herodotos (1 162) Harpagos, the Presian commander seized these cities by means of a mound of earth which he had piled up in front of the city wall. While the city was under siege, and after it had fallen to the Persians, many of the Phokaians emirgrated to their Mediterranean colonies, but some of them are understood to have returned. In spite of this, there was no revival of the
golden age experienced in Phokaia during the first half of the 6th century. In fact, the Phokaians were able to send only three ships to participate in the Battle of Lade in 494. Nevertheless, owing to their great skill in naval strategy, the command of the entire Hellenic fleet was given to Dionysius of Phokaia.
Phokaia was a member of the Delian League during the 5th century and paid tribute at the rate of two talents, but in 412 Phokaia rebelled and left the league. During the Hellenistic period, it was ruled first by the Seleucids and then by the Attalids. In 132 B.C., although it participated in Aristonikos' uprising against the Romans, Phokaia was saved from destruction with the help of Massalia, founded long before by the Phokaians. Pompey gave Phokaia its independence. In the early Christian era, the city became the centre of a diocese. In A.D. 1275, the Genoese, who were mining alum there, fortified the town with a castle and used it as a base for their operations. Akdes Nimet Kurat has stated that Foça (Phokaia) was one of the first coastal towns to fall into Turkish hands in western Anatolia, but the town did not definitely belong to the Turks until 1455.
The Phokaians were famous not only for their talent as mariners, traders and colonists, but also for their coinage made of electrum (an alloy of gold and silver), which was much in demand on the market. The town was also noted for its purple dye. Telephanes of Phokaia was a famous sculptor who worked at the command of the Persian Kings Darius and Xerxes in the 5th century. Theodoras of Phokaia wrote after Vitruvius (7 praef. 12) on Tholos.
The French archaeologist Felix Sartiaux carried out field research and initial excavations at Phokaia in 1913 and 1920. The present author explored the archaic layer of the site during his excavations, carried out from 1951-55 and discovered the archaic Temple of Athena (pi. 42 a,b). Now excavation and restoration work is being conducted by Prof. Ömer Özyiğit, who brought to light a very well preserved part of the city wall, greatly appreciated by Herodotos (pi. ...), and one of the earliest Greek theatres in Anatolia.
In ancient times there was a temple on the highest point of a rocky platform at the end of the peninsula at Foça, where the secondary school now stands. During the excavations, the half-finished framework of the secondary school building, in its abandoned state of construction, resembled, the ruins of an old temple. This impression was confirmed when the trenches which were opened up around the school during our investigations yielded an abundance of archaic architectural fragments. There is a strong possibility that the pieces of bases, columns, capitals and other upper structures found, were once part of the temple of Athena mentioned by Xenophon (Hellenica 1 3, 1) and Pausanias (II 31, 6; VII 5, 4). This is indeed possible as the aforementioned site is in the most beautiful and prominent area of the peninsula, and as Athena was the principal deity worshipped at Phokaia, as was the case in many Hellenic settlements in western Asia Minor. Constructed of fine white porous stone, the building seems to have been erected in the second quarter of the 6th century B.C. and to have been restored approximately towards the end of the same century, after its destruction by the Persians. The architectural remains which have been recovered are
housed in the Izmir Museum. Yet another large capital, adorned with palm leaves and probably once belonging to the temple, now stands in the garden of the school. Monochrome ware and protogeometric and geometric pottery, together with black-figured Greek vase fragments of the 6th cen¬tury, were discovered in the exploratory trenches opened up on the penin¬sula, and these will shortly be on display in the Izmir Museum.
The rock monument rising to the north of the asphalt road, seven kilo¬metres east of Foça, is worthy of special mention (Fig. 40). This work, which is 4.5 metres high, is connected with indigenous Anatolian tradition. The monument was not built as a separate edifice but was carved out of the rock, like the tombs found in Lycia, Lydia and Phrygia (Pis. 4, 5). The pattern found on the front entrance also appears on Lydian works in the immediate vicinity. On the other hand, the monument follows the Lycian custom of having two storeys, with the upper built in the form of a sarcophagus (PI. 78 b). In contrast to the archaic Lycian custom, the burial chamber was on the ground floor. However, the architectural form of the building perpe¬tuates ancient Lycian tradition. The presence of a stepped part between the two floors is indicative of Achaemenid influence. This building must have been erected in memory of a minor king. Consequently, such a princely monument can only have been built during a time when non-democratic Persian rulers dominated the region. Tyrants were living close by at Larisa during the 5th and 4th centuries. The Phokaian monument may have been that of a tyrant who ruled a small area in the neighbourhood in the 4th century B. C.
The tomb bearing the name of “Şeytan Hamamı” (the Devil’s Baths), found in Foça itself, is carved out of rock like some of the Lydian tombs. The Greek sherds that the present author has found in this grave may be dated to the end of the 4th century, and confirm the date suggested for the tomb lying near Foça.
Ekrem Akurgal excavated in Phokaia between 1952 and 1956 The work in Phokaia was restarted in 1990 by Omer Ozyigit and stil continuing successfully under his leadership.
Fig. 40-Rock-cut tomb near Foça (Phokaia), in Lycian and Lydian tradition, with Persian influence. Fourth century B. C.
SMYRNA
Ancient Izmir (Bayraklı). The investigation of East Greek civilization on a stratigraphical basis started with the excavations at Bayraklı. The first diggings between 1948 and 1951 were undertaken jointly by Ankara University and the British School of Archaeology at Athens, under the direction of John Cook and Ekrem Akurgal. The field work, which was directed between 1966-1992 by the present author.
Excavation and additional work was conducted between 1993 and 2013 by Meral Akurgal and new as well as Important information was materialized.
New information was gained concerning the history of the old city of •Izmir, as a result of the joint expedition. The earliest settlement in Izmir was founded in the first half of the 3rd millennium B. C. at present-day Bayraklı, on the city mound where the vineyards managed by the Ministry of State Monopolies are situated. In antiquity the plain of Bornova was covered by the sea and the above-mentioned city mound seen there today was a small peninsula on the edge of the Bay of Izmir. The first comers, as was revealed by the excavations, built their houses on the rock; their settlement is contemporary with Troy I and II. Since the lowest layers of the hill have so far been little explored, nothing definite is known about the sequence of its periods. However, we do know that the 2nd millennium strata of Bay¬raklı were contemporary with the Troy VI and Hittite civilizations, and that a culture existed there which had close links with these. As a matter of fact, two important Hittite monuments, namely, the Tudhaliya relief at Kemal Paşa and the relief of a mother-goddess at Manisa, both testify to this relationship (PI. 41 a, b).
The most important result of the Bayraklı excavations is the fact that a great quantity of protogeometric pottery has been found which shows that thefirst Hellenic settlement was founded in the 10th century B.C., as far as we know at present. The one-roomed building made of sun-dried brick (PI. 41 c), which was brought to light at Bayraklı;, is the oldest and best preserved house of its period. The houses found in the later strata of the 9th, 8th and 7th centuries B. C. are also the best preserved and most exactly dated dwellings of the Hellenic civilization in those cen¬turies. The megaron, built in the 7th century and restored in the 6th, is a unique example of this type of house dating from the archaic period.
The temple dating from the end of the 7th century, which is being un-earthed at Bayraklı, is the earliest and finest religious building of the eastern Greek world in Asia Minor (PI. 42 b). According to the inscription on a bronze bar (probably a balance) found during recent excavations, the temple was dedicated to the goddess Athena. The capitals and column-bases are the oldest and most beautiful in the Hellenic world that are known to us at the present time (PI. 42 a). In the new excavations, these capitals and bases were recovered in dozens of fragments (Fig. 41).
The symbol of the ancient city of Izmir was a lion’s head. Today, in the British Museum, we can see a lion’s head on a coin which was minted at the beginning of the 6th century B. C. (PI. 43 a). Among the finds made during the field research of 1967 are fragments of four big lions’ heads made of
Fig. 41a-Temple of Athena at Smyrna. Archaic period (580 B.C.). Graphic reconstruction. The street and the structures along its southern side date back to the seventh century B. C. Judging from several stone blocks found in situ (now covered again) a few meters to the west of the main entrance, the street was paved. Fig. 41b - Remains of the Temple of Athena at Smyrna after excavations. I) Celia wall of the temple in orientalising period (ca. 640 8. C.). 2) Podium wall of the Subgeometric Temple. 3) Podium wall of the temple in the Orientalising period ("625-600 8. C.). 4) (7) Temenos walls in the Orientalising period. They were built soon after the construction of the podium walls (3) of the Orientalising struc¬ture. 5) Main entrance. 6) Side entrance. The Orientalising Temple and its temenos were destroyed by Alyattes (ca. 600 B. C.). After the Lydian
destruction, the Smyrnaians restored the temple and enlarged the temenos (ca. 580 8. C.). 7) The western wall and the western portion of the south-western wall of the temenos were added, while all the other walls of the temenos [4 (7)] as well as the main and side entrances (5, 6) were largely restored. The lower parts of these walls belong to the Orientalising structure. The half eastern portion of the southern podium wall of the Orientalising Temple [3 (7)] was com¬pletely restored in this archaic period. 8) The cross wall in the corridor was built in 545 8. C. against the Persians to block the entrance to the temple. However, the Persians completely destroyed the sanctuary. The temenos walls are restored with the help of the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums in order to consolidate the ruins. The modern restoration work can easily be distinguished from the original constructions.
stone, which may be assumed to have adorned the walls of temenos.
King Alyattes of Lydia captured ancient Izmir in 600 B. C. and utterly destroyed the temple and the houses. He drove the people of Izmir out of the city and they were forced to live in villages. Nevertheless, the next ten or twenty years witnessed a gradual return to the city; the devastated houses were repaired and new buildings were erected. In spite of this, however, Izmir was an insignificant city during the 5th and 4th centuries. Not long after, this site, which had been inhabited for three thousand years, was finally abandoned.
Izmir in Hellenistic and Roman Times. After Alexander the Great had conquered the East, the Greek world attained great prosperity. Cities began to grow larger. At this time, Alexandria, Rhodes, Pergamon and Ephesus achieved populations of over 100,000. Smyrna also had to develop. Only a few thousand people could be accommodated within the walls of ancient Izmir, which was situated on a small city mound. For this reason, a new, larger city was founded on the slopes of Mt. Pagos. This new settlement gained legendary fame. According to Pausanias, Alexander the Great went hunting one day on Mt. Pagos and afterwards fell asleep under a plane tree, which grew in front of the temple of the two Nemeses, situated near this spot. The goddesses appeared to him in a dream and told him to set up a new city there and have the inhabitants of the old city of Izmir move to it. There¬upon, the people of Smyrna consulted the oracle of Apollo at Klaros, as was customary when setting up a town, to inquire if the time was propitious. The answer they got was this : “Thrice and four times happy will those men be, who are going to inhabit Pagos beyond the sacred Meles”. This legend was later depicted on coins of the time of Marcus Aurelius, Gordianus and Philippus Arabs. The coin shown in Plate 46 a dates from the time of the Roman Emperor Philippus Arabs (A. D. 244-249), and is in the von Aulock collection in Istanbul. The picture on the coin shows Alexander sleeping under the plane tree, and the two Nemeses.
Strabo the historian records that Smyrna was the finest Ionian city of his time, i.e., the turn of the 1st century B. C. At that time, a small part of the city was located on the city mound, but thegreater part was centred around
the harbour on flat land. The temple of the Mother Goddess and the gymna¬sium were also to be found on this level tract of land. The streets were straight and all perfectly paved with large stones. The orator Aelius Aristeides too, who came from Izmir, mentions the straightness and the well-paved state of the roads. He also states that the two main city thoroughfares, the Sacred Way and the Golden Road, ran east - west, and that the city was therefore cooled by the wind from the sea. When Eşref Paşa Road was being widened thirty years ago, an old road entering it at a slight angle was unearth¬ed. It was recorded as being a well-paved road, 10 metres in width, with a roofed-over pavement for pedestrians along the side near the mountain. This road also ran east-west. The stretch of the old road was possibly a part of the Sacred Way. Strabo also mentions that a stoa called the Homereion (probably in the shape of a peristyle house) existed in Izmir. Within this house, as in a heroon, a statue of the deified Homer stood and a shrine was dedicated to his worship.
With the passing of time, the buildings of the Roman period that were constructed in Izmir disappeared from the scene. Nothing remains either of the theatre that formerly stood on the north-west slope of Mt. Pagos, or of the stadium on the west. The site of a silo, built by Hadrian, lay near the harbour. From this we can deduce that the commercial agora was situated close to the docks. However, it has not been possible to determine the exact site of this commercial market place. On the other hand, the state agora is very well-preserved (PI. 46 b; Fig. 42). A large part of this fine con-
Fig.42-Agora of Izmir. West and north colonnades (PI. 46 b) on courtyard level and the vaulted basement floor beneath the north colonnade (in the centre of the drawing). Erected in the middle of the second century A. D. and rebuilt by Faustina II, wife of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius, after the earthquake of A. D. 178.
struction was excavated from 1932-1941 by Rudolf Naumann and Salahattin Kantar for the Turkish Historical Society and the General Directorate of Museums. The agora possesses a courtyard measuring 120 metres along one side and at least 80 metres along the other (Fig. 42). There was a stoa on the east side and another on the west; these were 17.5 metres in width and had two storeys, each of which was divided into three, longitudinally, by two rows of columns. On the north side there was a similar two-storeyed colon¬nade, consisting of a nave and two aisles, measuring 28 metres in width. The main stoa of the agora was called a “basilica”. There is also a magnificent vault¬ed basement beneath the north colonnade, which is still in a splendid state of preservation to this day. The north aisle in the basement was composed of shops, which must have opened on to a street existing in Roman times. Court cases were heard in an exedra situated in the western part of the north colonnade. The west stoa was excavated for a length of 72 metres, and the east stoa for a length of 35 metres. The stoa on the south side, which has not so far been excavated, must also have consisted of two storeys with a nave and two aisles.
A severe earthquake occurred at Smyrna in A. D. 178 and the city is known to have been reconstructed with help from Marcus Aurelius. This infor¬mation is confirmed by a portrait of Marcus Aurelius’ wife, Faustina II, which still exists over an arch of the west colonnade. From this, we learn that the west colonnade was restored immediately after 178. Basing his conclusions on stylistic observations, Rudolf Naumann fixed the date of construction of the north stoa at the end of the 2nd century A. D.
The orator Aelius Aristeides of Smyrna relates that, in about the year 150
A. D.,an altar to the god Zeus occupied a central position in the agora. High reliefs depicting a large group of gods have been recovered during the excava¬tions; possibly they were connected with the altar. In these reliefs, Demeter is shown standing next to Poseidon (PI. 49). The two high reliefs together constitute one of the best preserved and most beautiful specimens of Ro¬man sculpture that has come to light in Anatolia (Pis. 49-51). De-meter was the goddess of the harvest and the earth, while Poseidon held dominion over the sea. It is no accident that these two deities are found side by side among the other gods in the center of the agora. It may well be that the Smyrnaians of those days, by representing these two deities side by side wished to illustrate that their city dominated both the land and maritime commerce of their time. These splendid high reliefs are now exhibited in the Archaeological Museum Izmir (Pis. 49-5 I). Currently, Akin Ersoy is con¬ducting the excavations in Agora
The Izmir Archaeological Museum. The finds made during the excavations carried out at Bayrakli (Ancient Smyrna), Phokaia, Pitane ((^andarli), Erytrai, Klaros, Teos, Klazomenai, lasosand Labrandaare housed in this museum.
The head and the upper part of a bronze statue discovered in the sea near Bodrum probably representing a queen or a princess (4th century B.C.), the well preserved bronze statue of a running athlete (first century B.C.) from the Aegean Sea near to the coast of Kyme as well as the statues of Poseidon and Demeter (Pis. 49-51) from the Agora of izmir (second century A.D.).which we already mentioned (P. 123) are among the most important art objects kept in the museum of Izmir.
A statue the head of which is missing, discovered at Erythrai and carved about 560 B.C. as well as a head found at Keramos and dating from the second half of the 6th century B.C.(PI.44) are important representatives of the archaic period.
A pair of statues, though their heads are missing, deserves special attention. The grace inherent in the poses and movements, and the harmonious arrangement achievend in the composition of the garment folds exhibit an impressive Hellenistic interpretation (PI. 45). A head of a young girl wearing a veil and showing a rather sorrowful expression on her idealized features, was discovered by chance in izmir. This work (Pls.47 and 48 b) is a very successful example of Roman sculpture produced in the 2nd century A.D. Plate 48a shows the head of a fine statue, representing a hunter, discovered in the Vedius gymnasium at Ephesus (p.
I 54). This statue, characterized by its bouffant “baroque” hairstyle, was carved in the second half of the 2nd century A.D. by an Ephesian sculptor. The head of another statue of a young wowan (PI. 48 c,d) is a 2nd century A.D. copy, of an original work, created in the 5th century B.C. and known as Aspasia.
Two portrait statues found at Ephesus may be considered among the most important works in the Izmir Museum. One of these represents a Sophist (PI. 53); the other is a likeness of Flavius Damianus (PI. 52). The former was found in the Vedius gymnasium at Ephesus (Fig. 55). It dates from the time of the Emperor Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211). We recognize in this statue a typical intellectual of the time. The second statue represents Flavius Damianus, who was a man of means and commissioned the building of the palaestra, or wrestling school, in the east gymnasium. The ring which he wears on the index finger of his left hand signifies that he was a member of the equesterian order, and his diadem, adorned with sculptured busts tells us that he was an imperial priest as well. This statue belongs also to the period of Septimius Severus (see Inan-Rosenbaum, Roman and Early Byzantine Portrait Sculpture, pp. 127-128).
SARDIS
Sardis was the capital of the ancient Kingdom of Lydia. Gyges (680-652), the first man to make his mark in Lydian history, is mentioned in the annals of the Assyrian King Assurbanipal. The kingdom was subsequently ruled by Ardys (651-625), Sadyattes (625-610), Alyattes (609-560) and Kroisos (560-546). Sardis came under the sovereignty of Persia, following its capture by Cyrus in 546 B. C. The Persians transformed the city into the major strong¬hold of their western empire. The main Royal Road began at Susa and terminated at Sardis.
Within a century, Lydia had become the most powerful state in Asia Minor, and was to remain so for a long period. The Lydians won undying fame in the economic and commercial fields, through their invention of mint¬ed coinage at the end of the 7th century. After Alexander seized the city in 334 B. C., it became completely Greek in character, under the control of the Seleucids. During the period 180-133 B.C., Sardis first fell under the sway
of the Kingdom of Pergamon and then under that of the Roman Empire. Sardis, which had been a very glorious Lydian centre in the 7th and 6th centuries B.C., also passed through an equally splendid period in the 3rd, 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. Like many other towns in Asia Minor during the Roman era, it became noted for its architecture and prosperity as it developed. In Byzantine times, Sardis became the centre of a diocese and in the 14th century, it was captured by the Turks.
From 1910-1914, fieldwork was carried out by an expedition formed mainly of members of Princeton University and, as a result, the temple of Artemis (13) and more than 1,000 Lydian tombs were excavated (Fig. 43). The works of art, dating from the 6th century B.C., that were brought to light at that time are now kept in the Metropolitan Museum in New York. Since 1958, excavations have been continued, under the direction of G.M.A. Hanfmann, on behalf of the American School of Oriental Research and Harvard and Cornell Universities. Excavations during 1971-2007 were conducted by Crawford Greenewalt, Jr. Now the field work in Sardis has been
Fig. 43-Ruins of Sardis. I) Synagogue (1st. half of the 3rd century A. D.). 2) Gymnasium (beginning of the 3rd century A. D.). 3) House of Bronzes (ca. A. D. 550). 4) Roman Building. 5) Byzantine Church. 6) Roman and Byzantine Baths. 7) Roman Building. 8) Roman Stadium. 9) Theatre, built in Hellenistic times, altered in the Roman period. 10) Pactolus Cliff, with remains of Roman and Byzantine houses. II) “Pyramid” tomb; remains dating from the Persian period 12) Excavation House. 13) Temple of Artemis. 14) Acropolis.
conducted by Nicholas Cahill.
The most important architectural works to be discovered were the synagogue (1) and the gymnasium (2), both of which lie just north of the Izmir-Ankara highway (Fig.43). The synagogue, built in the 3rd century A.D., is a building of unequalled splendour, lying parallel to the east-west road. The gymnasium (2) is a huge construction, located next to the synagogue, immediately north of the asphalt road. The large area adjoining the synagogue on the north is the palaestra of the gymnasium. From what can be discerned of the remains of inscriptions that have been recovered, the ornate east-facing front of the gymnasium was constructed at the beginning of the 3rd century A.D., in the time of Geta and Caracalla. The members of the archaeological expedition are successfully carrying out one of the major restoration programmes in Turkey, in connection with the excavations at the gymnasium. Thanks to their efforts, two magnificent Anatolian buildings of antiquity are slowly rising once again in their former state.
The main road of the city passed along the south side of the gymnasium and the synagogue. It was paved with slabs of marble, and arcades with shops lined it on both sides. The colonnades on the south side of this marble road, built in the 4th century A. D.( now I ie beneath the modern asphalt road. The shops on the north side of the street and those along the south side of the gymnasium and the synagogue are of the Byzantine period.
South of the asphalt highway and opposite the gymnasium stands a large building (3) called the House of Bronzes by the American expedition (Fig. 43). Since many bronze works of a religious nature have been found within this as yet only partially-excavated house, built about A. D. 550, the excavators have concluded that it was inhabited by a high-ranking priest.
To the south-west, beyond the House of Bronzes is a large trench, which is known as the Lydian Trench, opened up by the American archaeologists. Here lie the remains of the Lydian market place, spanning perhaps the cen¬turies from about 700 to 300 B. C. The walls are now reduced to mere rubble, but the area has yielded an abundance of ancient pottery. Small shops and a large building on the north-west corner of the house have been identified.
South of the highway and just below the acropolis on the north is a long arched structure which constitutes the northern side of the stadium (8). The southern flank was built on a natural slope, while the eastern end of the stadium lies at the foot of the ancient theatre (9). The latter, which had a seating capacity of 20,000, was erected in the 3rd century B. C. and later underwent restoration in Roman times.
The extensive substructures of a very long edifice, probably connected with the Roman civic centre,adjoin the highway on the south (7), and north of this road lie the remains of a Byzantine church (5), incorporating fragments dating from the Roman era. The ruins of a Roman building (4) can be ob¬served north-west of the church. Further east, along the north side of the highway, we come to partly-excavated baths of Roman and Byzantine origin (6). Remnants of Byzantine walls (BW) occur north of the gymnasium and in areas north of 5 and 6, as indicated on the plan.
Other remains are encountered to the south, along the River Pactolus on the way to the temple of Artemis. On the right, i.e., on the west bank, rises the Pactolus cliff (10), on top of which appear walls of a Roman or Byzantine house dating from the 4th or 5th century A. D. Wails of Lydian structures, dating from the period between the 8th and 6th centuries B. C., lie at the bottom of a deep pit excavated by the river. After passing the village houses, the road dips to cross a ravine. To the left, half way up the southern side of the gorge, at a height of some 300 m., stand the remains of a stepped structure, the “Pyramid Tomb” (I I). As pointed out by G.M.A. Hanf- mann, these remains may belong to the funerary monument of Abradates, a noble of Susa, and his wife Pantheia. The ancient historian Xenophon relates that Abradates died fighting for the Persians and that his wife committed suicide over his body; thereupon King Cyrus had this sepulchre erected high up on a hill overlooking the Pactolus. The expedition camp (12), the temple of Artemis (13) and the acropolis (14) lie in an area at the end of the road.
The Temple of Artemis. One of the buildings at Sardis that have survived to the present day in a good state of preservation is the temple of Artemis. The ruins of this beautiful temple, set between the ridge of Mt. Tmolos and the acropolis of the capital of ancient Lydia, constitute some of the most attractive remains of antiquity (PI. 54).
The Altar of Artemis. The original temple of Artemis at Sardis was built in 300 B. C., after Alexander the Great had converted the city to the Greek way of life (Fig. 44). As Gruben states, an altar to Artemis had existed in this area since the end of the 5th century. The remains of a red sandstone altar, measuring 21 x II m., referred to by the first American expedition as the Lydian Building, still stand on the original site, adjoining the temple on the west (Fig. 44-46). As will be understood from the alignment of the steps, the altar faced west. For this reason, when the first Artemis temple was constructed, it faced in the same direction, since it was attached to this sandstone altar. From the fact that the temples of Artemis at Ephesus and Magnesia ad Maeandrum also look towards the west, we may surmise that they were connected with an ancient Anatolian religious cult. Gruben suggests that the Artemis altar, in front of which Cyrus and Orontas became reconciled, according to Xenophon (Anabasis I, 6, 7), was actually this structure of red sandstone. This is plausible. Yet the fact that the reconciliation of two Persians took place before this altar makes it clear that not only was the Greek goddess Artemis worshipped here but also an indigenous goddess, doubtless Kybele. As a matter of fact, the altars sacred to Kybele in the so-called Midas-city and at Kalehisar near Alaca Höyük, like the Artemis altar at Sardis are also, approached by steps and associated with an open-air cult.
The First Phase. In the light of new discoveries made as a result of his close investigation of the building, G. Gruben recently proved in precise detail that the Artemis temple passed through three phases (Fig. 44-46). The first building, measuring 23.00 x 67.52 m., was (in my opinion) probably conceived as a dipteros, but the construction of the peristasis with two
Figs. 44, 45, 46 - Temple of Artemis at Sardis (ground plans after G. Gruben). Fig. 44 - First Building Phase (ca. 300 B. C.). West-facing Ionic temple, 23.00 x 67.52 m. in area; traditional archaic elongated cella; square pronaos and narrow opisthodomos, following the principles of the architect Pytheos. Originally intended as a dipteros, a plan that was not realized. An Ionic capital from the first building phase is now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York; two others are to be found in the ruins (PI. 56 a). West of the naos is the 21 X 11 m. altar of Artemis (the so-called “Lydian Building”), made of red sandstone, with a flight of steps on the west face. During the century preceding the erection of the temple, this altar constituted the only place of worship dedicated to the goddess Artemis.
Fig. 45 - Second Building Phase (175-150 8. C.). In the second quarter of the 2nd century B. C., work was resumed for the completion of the temple as a pseudo-dipteral amphiprostylos, though it was originally planned as a dipteros. As the plan shows, however, only part of the project was realized. The completed portions are indicated in black; those of which only the foundations were laid are dotted. The capital surmounting the third column from the south in the front row, along the east face of the peristasis, belongs to this period (PI. 54 b, the capital on the top of the left-hand column).
Fig. 46-Third Building Phase (ca. A. D. 150): This period saw the completion of those portions represented only by foundations in the previous phase. In addition, the temple was divided in two so that the eastern half became a place of worship dedicated to Faustina I, the wife of the Emperor Antoninus Pius. All the columns of the peristasis, with the exception of the capital on the third column from the south, in the front row on the east face (PI. 54 b, left-hand capital), were carved in this period.
rows of columns was postponed and only the naos was constructed to begin with (Fig. 44). Thus the main building (the naos) consisted of the pronaos, cella and opisthodomos; this structure, together with the interior columns, constituted the first phase. The fact that the naos was built on a long, narrow plan with the width one-third of the length (Fig. 44) and that it was quite an immense construction reveals the intention of the builders to create a dipteros of the Ephesian type. However, since the erection of the encircling columns was delayed, the idea of a dipteros was abandoned, follow¬ing the artistic trend of the time, and in its place a plan for a pseudo-dipteros was put into effect (Fig. 45). The main point of difference between the Sardis temple and those at Ephesus and Didyma, which it took as models, was that the cella was not open to the sky in the form of a sekos. Since the building at Sardis was associated with an ancient cult and the altar of the temple was left out in the open, a sekos would have been redundant; there¬fore, the cella was roofed in the manner of a hall. Although the first temple was modelled on the archaic type, it also strongly showed the influence of Pytheos, the architect of the Athena temple at Priene. The square pronaos of the Artemision at Sardis, with its narrow opisthodomos just one inter- columniation wide, is an exact replica of that found in the Priene temple (Fig. 68). Indeed, two columns dating from the beginning of the 3rd century B. C., standing in the middle of the second row on the east side, have a small¬er diameter of 1.56 m., which is exactly one-tenth of their original height (15.56 m.); this is a feature of the Priene model. Gruben points out that the 2.17 m.-high bases of the columns were intended to be carved with reliefs like those in the Artemision at Ephesus, but this was postponed so long that it went out of fashion and the bases remained in their unadorned state. However, as Gruben again states, these columns and bases, which were ori¬ginally structures of some importance, very likely stood in the opisthodomos of the first temple and so were meant to be seen from the outside (Fig. 44).
The pseudo-dipteral plan of the temple must have been realized during the second phase. It is difficult to share the opinion that the temple was intended to be a pseudo-dipteros from its inception at the beginning of the 3rd century. If this had been so, the temple at Sardis would have been unique, because this architectural concept had not been thought of at the end of the 4th century or at the beginning of the 3rd. The most probable explanation is that which has been given above, namely, that the general plan tended more towards the idea of an archaic dipteros.
Gruben records that the platform between the altar and the naos was built in the first phase, and that steps led up to it on the south and north. This platform would have been necessary if the plan for a double peristasis and a portico on the western side had been realized. However, this plan was not put into effect during the first phase. Only the northern flight of steps belonging to this platform is in evidence today.
Three capitals, discovered during the excavations by the Americans and referred to by the letters G, D and C, have been identified as dating from the first phase. The capital known by the letter C is now in the Metro¬politan Museum in New York, while the other two remain in the temple.
The capital D is illustrated in Plate 56 a. These capitals date back to 300
B. C., a fact which has also been confirmed by Gruben. The volutes of the capitals resemble archaic specimens in that they are large; each volute mea¬sures one-third of the width of the capital, in addition, the lower edge of the canalis of the volutes is distinctly bow-shaped. The egg - and - tongue on the echinus approximates to the classical type. On the other hand, the introduction of new features, as the acanthus leaves around the corner palmettes and on the canalis of the capital C is apparent. Thus, these columns are the work of crafstmen who, bound to classical and even archaic traditions, do not show traces of the mature Hellenistic style. Conse¬quently, these columns must have been carved about 300 B. C. Since this is so, we can conclude that the pronaos, the cel la and the opisthodomos of the temple, as well as the cult statue, were completed by the beginning of the 3rd century at the latest.
The Second Phase. As is clear in Gruben’s plans, the second phase commenced with the building of the peristasis; the foundations of 13 columns were laid along the east front, but here the work was called to a halt (Fig. 45). Had it continued, the temple would have been a pseudo- dipteros with 8 columns along the short and 20 columns on the long sides. Instead of this, the two columns in the opisthodomos were brought forward and, by the addition of 4 more columns on this side, a portico in the form of a 6-columned prostyle was created. The erection of a corresponding portico on the west side had been planned, but in this case only the two westernmost columns of the pronaos were moved forward and no other renovations were made to the exterior. At the present day, the capital of the third column from the south in the front row on the east side (i.e., the more northerly of the two columns still standing in their entirety) is Hellenistic in style and actually belonged to one of the columns forming the prostyle (PI. 54 b, the capital on the left-hand column). Gruben has proved that this capital is really too small for its present column, and that, in fact, it belongs to one of the columns 10 cm. smaller (i.e., with a lower diameter of 1.89 m) which were added to the east portico during the second phase. Thus the capital under discussion (PI. 54 b, left) determines the date of the second phase. The straight line of the lower edge of the canalis on this capital marks it as being of the Hermogenes period, like the Didymaion capitals of the same type, i.e., it dates roughly from the second quarter of the 2nd century B. C. The plan shows that the arrangement of the foundations laid for the 8 columns of the front row during the second phase is also a feature of the Hermogenes era. The span of the intercolumniation between the two central columns in this row, which is much greater than that between the others in the same row, is equal to that between those that were moved forward in the same phase, i.e., the middle intercolumniation on the east side lies on the same axis as that on the west side (Fig. 45). As has been shown in the first part of this book, this tendency for precise strong axiality is especially noticeable in the Hermogenes temple of Artemis at Magnesia ad Maeandrum (Fig. 63). Therefore, the structures of the second phase were clearly erected in the second quarter of the 2nd century B. C.